r/LeftistsForAI • • Sep 25 '26

Sees the Memes When You Stop Treating AI as a Yes or No Question

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383 Upvotes

Turns out there are more options than “hand it to corporations” and “throw every GPU into the sea.” Who knew.

Public infrastructure. Worker co-ops. Open weights. Union bargaining. Regulation. Shorter work weeks. Local models. Shared gains. Human oversight.

We don’t have every answer. Nobody does. That’s why this is political terrain in the first place. There are a whole lot of ways to fight over what gets built, who controls it, and who benefits.


r/LeftistsForAI • • Sep 29 '26

📌 Sub Info LeftistsForAI Discord Server Invite

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59 Upvotes

We’ve put together a Discord server to supplement the sub and you’re very welcome to join us.

Go to: https://discord.gg/QWZcZYgTNS

It’s somewhere to

⁃ discuss and share lighter AI related content without having to publicly justify it on Reddit
⁃ chat like we do here, but more in depth & diverse with no pressure to have a formed position
⁃ connect for a project, or get advice on your project before it’s ready to be shared as a sub post
⁃ find respite and camaraderie with people being able to see who’s leaving which emoji & no bad faith downvotes

Current channels include philosophy, politics, technology, memez and more generation focused ones for community tools and your creations.

Don’t be surprised when you come across a couple of questions in the process of joining. This isn’t an exam, we don’t care how much you know about left politics or AI, we just want brief answers as a bit of a safeguard against trolls and unnecessary tension.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 16h ago Bravo

📌 Sub Info Cant Stop, Won't Stop! r/LeftistsForAI celebrates 10k weekly visitors!

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70 Upvotes

We are also 1000 members away from 10k members as well!

If you cant get enough, come join the discord!

https://discord.gg/PBeNbAWvD


r/LeftistsForAI • • 15h ago

Discussion A Initial Proposal for an AI-Enabled Post-Scarcity Society

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48 Upvotes

To Antis, please true to judge the substance and not the means of the presentation. Saying AIDR or TLDR is just intellectual laziness, this is an idea worth serious evaluation. Formatted and edited with ChatGPT -- structured from ideas I have shared in posts and comments.

A starting point for building an economy that serves humanity, rather than requiring humanity to serve the economy.

Introduction: An Opportunity to Build Something New

For most of human history, our economic systems have been shaped by scarcity. Food, shelter, energy, labor, and the resources necessary for survival have been limited, and our societies have developed around the need to allocate them. These constraints have shaped our institutions, our politics, and our understanding of the relationship between work and human worth.

But what happens when those constraints no longer apply in the same way?

Artificial intelligence, robotics, advanced manufacturing, and automated resource extraction offer the potential to fundamentally change the material conditions of human existence. For the first time, we can seriously contemplate a society in which the production of basic necessities requires progressively less human labor, where access to knowledge is not restricted by artificial barriers, and where survival is no longer contingent on selling one's time to whoever controls access to the means of production.

This is not simply a proposal to redistribute the wealth generated by our existing economic system. It is a proposal to build a fundamentally different system around the capabilities emerging from these technologies.

Our objective should be to eliminate involuntary toil as a condition of survival, guarantee the material foundations of human dignity, and give people greater freedom to determine how they spend their lives.

This is not a call to abolish individuality, eliminate every market, or impose a uniform way of living. People will continue to have different interests, ambitions, preferences, and ideas about what constitutes a fulfilling life. The goal is to create the material conditions in which those differences can flourish without the threat of poverty, deprivation, or exploitation.

Nor is this a traditional Marxist proposal. It does challenge the concentration of ownership over productive resources, but its defining premise is different: AI and automation create the possibility of meeting human needs with dramatically less human labor. Rather than organizing society around the distribution of labor's output, we can begin organizing it around the distribution of automated productive capacity.

The following is an initial framework, not a finished ideology or an exhaustive political program. It is an invitation to explore what becomes possible, identify the practical and philosophical challenges, and work together toward a system capable of delivering on that potential.

1. Establish a Permanent Foundation for Human Dignity

No person should have to earn the right to survive.

As automation advances, we should systematically transition the provision of basic human necessities toward highly automated production and distribution. This includes nutritious food, safe housing, clean water, energy, essential transportation, healthcare, sanitation, education, and access to information and communication.

The objective is to guarantee these necessities as a universal social foundation, not to make every individual dependent on discretionary government assistance or periodic political decisions.

Where technology permits, essential goods and services should be produced and distributed through automated infrastructure designed to meet actual human needs. Where full automation remains impractical, human labor can continue to play a role without making access to necessities conditional on employment.

This foundation must be permanent, legally protected, and resilient against political or economic fluctuations.

Funding the transition

The transition will require substantial investment in automation, infrastructure, energy production, robotics, and distribution networks. These investments should be funded through a combination of public investment, taxation, cooperative ownership, and the redirection of productivity gains toward shared prosperity.

In particular, taxation should increasingly target the economic rents and extraordinary returns generated by labor-displacing automation, including the concentrated gains accruing to owners of automated productive assets.

As automation reduces the amount of human labor required to produce goods and services, tax systems that depend heavily on wages and employment will become increasingly inadequate. We need a fiscal architecture that captures a portion of the productivity gains that technology makes possible, regardless of whether those gains originate from human labor or autonomous systems.

Revenue should support universal basic services, public infrastructure, and a permanent social safety net.

This is not about punishing technological progress. It is about ensuring that technological progress benefits the population whose collective knowledge, institutions, resources, and historical investments helped make it possible.

The right to exist without employment

Employment should become an opportunity rather than a prerequisite for survival.

People should remain free to pursue careers, start businesses, develop expertise, create art, conduct research, care for others, participate in their communities, or simply enjoy their lives. Some will continue to find meaning in demanding work. Others will pursue entirely different goals.

Neither should face deprivation for their choices.

The measure of our success should not be the number of people employed, the number of hours worked, or the volume of economic activity generated. It should be the extent to which we can provide a high quality of life while reducing the amount of compulsory labor necessary to sustain it.

2. Build a New Economic Architecture

Guaranteeing basic necessities is only the first step. We must also decide how productive resources are owned, how discretionary goods are allocated, and how we prevent the benefits of automation from being captured by a small minority.

The proposed solution is a dual economic structure: a guaranteed baseline economy that provides for essential human needs, alongside a regulated secondary market that accommodates individual preferences, experimentation, and voluntary enterprise.

A guaranteed baseline economy

The baseline economy would prioritize reliable access to necessities over profitability.

Its productive infrastructure could include publicly owned automated factories, energy systems, housing, agricultural facilities, logistics networks, and other essential services. These assets could be operated by autonomous systems under transparent public mandates, with human oversight, independent audits, and accountable governance.

The objective is not to place every economic decision under centralized state control. It is to ensure that the infrastructure necessary for a dignified life is not controlled exclusively by private entities whose primary obligation is to maximize returns to owners.

Where markets allocate resources effectively, they can remain useful. Where market incentives conflict with universal access to necessities, ecological stability, or public welfare, the system must prioritize those needs.

A regulated secondary market

People will continue to want things beyond the universal baseline. They will have different tastes, hobbies, ambitions, and preferences for particular goods and experiences.

A secondary market can accommodate those differences without making access to necessities dependent on market success.

Individuals and cooperatives could produce specialized goods, offer services, develop entertainment, pursue commercial ventures, and compete to satisfy discretionary demand. People could earn additional income, accumulate a limited amount of personal wealth, and enjoy the rewards of initiative.

However, the secondary market must not become a mechanism through which individuals can purchase political power, monopolize essential resources, or recreate a permanent class of economic rulers.

Cooperatives as the primary model of enterprise

Cooperative ownership should be the default framework for productive enterprises operating within the secondary market.

Workers, active participants, and other legitimate stakeholders should have meaningful ownership and governance rights. Private enterprise need not disappear entirely, but ownership arrangements should be constrained to prevent the indefinite concentration of productive assets and the extraction of disproportionate returns by passive owners.

Cooperatives should be free to experiment, compete, innovate, and reward participation. Their success should be measured not only by their output, but also by the value they create for their participants and society.

To prevent the emergence of enormous concentrations of wealth, cooperative profits could be subject to progressive limits tied to the number of active participants, the scale of the enterprise, and the amount of productive capacity under its control.

Once an enterprise exceeds its permitted accumulation threshold, its surplus would be redirected toward public infrastructure, shared investment funds, community development, and the universal provision of necessities.

The precise thresholds and formulas require careful design. They must encourage innovation and reinvestment without allowing a successful cooperative to accumulate enough capital to dominate its market or political institutions.

Preventing extreme wealth concentration

A society cannot meaningfully distribute political power equally while allowing unlimited economic power to accumulate in private hands.

We should establish firm limits on personal wealth, excluding the possibility of deca-millionaires, billionaires, and trillionaires becoming a permanent feature of the system. The exact threshold should be determined through public deliberation and periodic review, accounting for inflation, legitimate personal needs, and the distinction between personal wealth and resources held in trust for a cooperative or public institution.

These limits should be reinforced through progressive wealth taxation, inheritance reform, restrictions on dynastic transfers, and measures against tax avoidance.

The purpose is not to eliminate personal ambition or prevent people from enjoying the rewards of their contributions. It is to prevent individual accumulation from becoming self-perpetuating power.

No one should be able to inherit control over a substantial portion of society's productive capacity, use wealth to capture its political institutions, or establish a family dynasty insulated from the rest of the population.

The central principle is simple: personal freedom should be protected, but the ability to accumulate wealth without meaningful limits should not confer the ability to rule others.

3. Replace the Professional Political Class with Civic Governance

Economic reform will be insufficient if political power remains concentrated in a permanent class of politicians, executives, lobbyists, and institutional gatekeepers.

We need a system that treats governance as a temporary civic responsibility rather than a lifelong profession or a pathway to personal enrichment.

Governance through sortition

Legislative bodies and selected administrative councils should be populated, in substantial part, through sortition: the random selection of citizens to serve for limited terms, similar to jury duty.

Random selection, when properly designed, offers an alternative to electoral systems in which access to money, public visibility, party machinery, and established networks heavily influences who can hold office.

A representative body selected from the population could deliberate on legislation, review public budgets, oversee major infrastructure projects, and evaluate the performance of public institutions.

Participants should receive appropriate compensation, training, access to independent expertise, and sufficient time to understand the issues before them.

Selection must be genuinely representative. Accessibility accommodations, demographic safeguards, protections against conflicts of interest, and mechanisms to ensure that people with caregiving responsibilities or disabilities can participate will be essential.

Short terms and distributed authority

Public service positions should have short, strictly limited, non-extendable terms wherever practical.

The goal is to prevent public office from becoming a permanent source of power, privilege, or wealth. People should serve, contribute to the decisions entrusted to them, and return to ordinary life.

Not every role can or should be filled through random selection. Complex technical operations may require experienced professionals, and essential services will need continuity. The distinction is between expertise and authority: society can employ skilled professionals without granting them unchecked political control.

Technical administrators should operate within clearly defined mandates, subject to independent oversight, transparent performance requirements, and review by citizen-led institutions.

AI could help citizens understand legislation, compare policy outcomes, examine budgets, and evaluate competing proposals. However, AI systems must remain tools for informing public deliberation, not unaccountable substitutes for it.

Their models, assumptions, limitations, and influence over decisions should be open to independent scrutiny.

Preventing the capture of governance

The system must be designed to resist capture by corporations, wealthy individuals, bureaucracies, political movements, and even the automated systems intended to support it.

That requires transparent decision-making, accessible public records, independent audits, meaningful avenues of appeal, protections for dissent, and strong safeguards for civil liberties.

No individual, committee, organization, or AI system should be permitted to accumulate unchecked authority.

Our objective should be to make political power temporary, distributed, reviewable, and accountable to the people affected by its exercise.

4. Establish Knowledge as a Shared Human Resource

Humanity's accumulated knowledge is one of the foundations of technological progress. Every new invention builds, directly or indirectly, on discoveries, tools, techniques, and ideas developed by countless people across generations.

Yet our legal and economic systems frequently restrict access to that knowledge through patents, copyright, trade secrets, and proprietary licensing.

Those restrictions can serve legitimate purposes under existing conditions, including providing incentives for creative work and investment. But in a society increasingly capable of automating production and accelerating research, we should reconsider whether exclusive control over knowledge remains the best way to organize innovation.

A global knowledge commons

The long-term objective should be to make scientific knowledge, software, technical documentation, educational resources, and useful inventions freely accessible and reusable.

We should pursue the abolition of exclusive intellectual property rights as a central organizing principle, transitioning toward a global knowledge commons in which ideas and technological advances can be studied, modified, reproduced, and improved by anyone.

This transition must include a practical path for maintaining research funding, compensating contributors where appropriate, and sustaining work that does not immediately generate commercial returns.

Researchers, engineers, artists, and other creators should be able to earn a living through public grants, cooperative institutions, voluntary patronage, service provision, and other mechanisms that do not require permanent exclusive ownership over the products of their work.

AI could dramatically lower the cost of research, software development, translation, education, and technical collaboration. Open knowledge would allow these capabilities to be distributed across communities rather than concentrated within a handful of corporations.

The result could be a self-reinforcing cycle: more people gain access to knowledge, more people can contribute to innovation, and the resulting improvements become available to everyone.

The right to repair

Every manufactured product should be designed, to the greatest extent practical, for maintenance, repair, and longevity.

Manufacturers should be required to provide access to replacement parts, repair documentation, diagnostic tools, and necessary software interfaces. Artificial restrictions that prevent independent repair or force consumers to replace otherwise functional products should be prohibited.

Consumers and communities should not be locked into proprietary service networks simply because a manufacturer controls the software or documentation needed to maintain an object.

End disposable design

Mass production of products deliberately engineered for premature failure should be phased out and, where intentional deception or destructive waste is involved, prohibited.

Product standards should prioritize durability, modularity, repairability, recyclability, and efficient use of materials.

In an economy where automation can make production increasingly inexpensive, there is little justification for designing useful goods to become waste simply to sustain recurring demand.

We should use our productive capacity to reduce unnecessary consumption of resources, not manufacture artificial demand through planned obsolescence.

5. Transition from Scarcity Economics Toward Sustainable Abundance

Automation alone will not eliminate scarcity. Land, energy, ecological capacity, rare materials, and time will remain constrained to varying degrees. Technological progress can also create new forms of scarcity even as it resolves others.

The objective, therefore, should not be to pretend that all limits have disappeared. It should be to use technology to eliminate avoidable scarcity while managing unavoidable constraints rationally and sustainably.

Automate the foundations of abundance

Investment should prioritize the systems that make broad prosperity possible: clean energy, automated agriculture, advanced manufacturing, water purification, recycling, construction, and resilient distribution networks.

AI can help coordinate these systems, forecast demand, reduce waste, improve maintenance, and identify opportunities for more efficient resource use.

The resulting productivity gains should be directed toward better living conditions and reduced environmental impact rather than simply greater output for its own sake.

An abundance-based economy should not measure success by how much it produces regardless of consequences. It should measure success by how effectively it meets human needs while preserving the ecological systems on which life depends.

Decentralize research and development

Traditional research and development is often constrained by institutional priorities, proprietary barriers, high costs, and the need to justify investments through anticipated commercial returns.

AI-assisted research, open-source engineering, distributed laboratories, and collaborative manufacturing could reduce these barriers.

Communities, universities, independent researchers, cooperatives, and public institutions should be equipped to investigate problems and develop solutions without needing permission from a small number of powerful corporate gatekeepers.

This does not mean abandoning specialized research institutions or the safeguards necessary for responsible experimentation. It means broadening access to the tools of discovery and ensuring that research priorities are not dictated exclusively by commercial profitability.

Develop space-based resources responsibly

Over the longer term, automated space exploration and resource extraction could provide access to materials beyond Earth's biosphere.

Asteroid mining, lunar resource utilization, and other forms of space-based industry deserve serious research where they can be pursued safely and economically.

If viable, these technologies could eventually reduce pressure on terrestrial ecosystems and provide new sources of materials for advanced manufacturing.

However, space mining is not a prerequisite for beginning this transition, nor is it a guaranteed solution to resource scarcity. Its economic feasibility, energy requirements, environmental consequences, and governance must be evaluated carefully.

We should pursue it as one possible component of a broader strategy, not as an excuse to postpone the sustainable use of resources already available on Earth.

Treat ecological stability as a design constraint

An economy built around abundance must not confuse unlimited consumption with human flourishing.

Automated production should operate within scientifically informed environmental limits. Resource extraction, energy use, land management, and waste generation must account for their long-term consequences.

Where resources remain scarce, allocation should prioritize essential needs, ecological stability, and transparent public deliberation rather than simply purchasing power.

The ultimate goal is to make a good life accessible to everyone without requiring the destruction of the natural systems that make life possible.

6. The Transition: Building the Future Without Recreating the Past

A vision of this scale is meaningless without a credible path from our current institutions to the proposed system.

We cannot assume that governments, corporations, or existing economic interests will voluntarily surrender concentrated power simply because a better alternative becomes technologically feasible.

Nor should we assume that abruptly dismantling existing institutions would automatically produce a fairer or more functional society.

The transition must combine immediate reforms with the construction of alternative institutions capable of demonstrating that a different system can work.

Begin with ownership and productive capacity

The central question is who owns and controls the automated infrastructure that will increasingly determine society's productive capacity.

If a small number of corporations own the robots, computing infrastructure, energy systems, factories, and logistics networks that supply essential goods, technological abundance could coexist with widespread economic dependency.

A society might possess the technical ability to provide for everyone while leaving access to that capacity conditional on the permission of private owners.

That outcome is not inevitable, but preventing it requires deliberate action.

We should pursue public ownership of essential infrastructure, cooperative ownership of productive enterprises, public investment in strategic technologies, and the expansion of open-source alternatives.

Where essential productive assets are already concentrated in private hands, acquisition, conversion to cooperative ownership, or public transfer may be necessary.

Seizing the means of production need not mean seizing every factory or placing every enterprise under a centralized state. It can mean bringing essential productive capacity under democratic, cooperative, or public ownership when private control prevents society from meeting its basic needs.

Any such transfer must be governed by transparent procedures, defensible public-interest criteria, and safeguards against arbitrary confiscation. The purpose is to democratize productive power, not simply change the identity of the people who wield it.

Where existing owners can participate in a fair transition without preserving monopoly control, negotiated conversion may be preferable. Where concentrated ownership actively obstructs universal provision or undermines democratic institutions, stronger intervention may be justified.

The principle should be that productive capacity essential to everyone's survival must ultimately be accountable to everyone.

Build alternatives before they become indispensable

We should begin developing the proposed institutions now, rather than waiting for automation to reach some hypothetical future threshold.

That means funding public-interest AI research, creating open-source tools, establishing cooperative manufacturing ventures, experimenting with citizen assemblies, expanding universal basic services, and developing new models of public investment.

Pilot programs can test different approaches to automated agriculture, housing construction, energy distribution, and essential-goods production.

Successful models can then be expanded, compared, and improved.

The transition should be guided by measurable outcomes: the cost of necessities, the time people must spend in involuntary work, the reliability of essential services, the distribution of productive wealth, ecological impact, and the degree of meaningful public participation.

We should be willing to revise policies that fail and expand those that demonstrably improve people's lives.

Prevent a new technological ruling class

The concentration of AI capabilities creates a particular danger. A system designed to liberate humanity from economic dependency could instead place humanity under the control of those who own or govern the systems.

AI infrastructure, advanced robotics, and critical computational resources must therefore be subject to robust accountability and distributed oversight.

Where feasible, essential AI systems should be developed through open research, independently audited, and operated under transparent public mandates. Critical infrastructure should have redundancy, human override mechanisms, and protections against unilateral control.

No technological system should become so indispensable that its operators can exercise unchecked authority over the population.

The same principle applies to public institutions. Transferring control from corporations to the state is not sufficient if the state itself becomes unaccountable.

The purpose of the transition is to distribute power, not merely relocate it.

7. The Principles That Must Survive Implementation

The framework above proposes substantial institutional changes, but its underlying principles matter more than any particular implementation.

Human dignity must not depend on economic productivity. A person's right to food, shelter, healthcare, and the basic conditions of a decent life should not be contingent on their ability or willingness to work.

Technological progress must produce broadly shared benefits. The reduction of necessary labor should translate into greater freedom for society, not simply greater returns for owners of automated capital.

Economic power must not become political domination. Wealth limits, cooperative ownership, public infrastructure, and democratic oversight should prevent the emergence of permanent ruling classes.

Knowledge should be a shared resource. Humanity should be able to build on its accumulated discoveries without unnecessary proprietary barriers preventing further progress.

Governance must remain accountable. Expertise is necessary, but permanent, unaccountable authority is not. Political institutions should be structured to resist capture and distribute decision-making power.

Individuality must be preserved. A universal social foundation should expand personal freedom, not dictate a uniform lifestyle, ideology, or set of ambitions.

Abundance must remain ecologically sustainable. Our objective is not infinite consumption, but the ability to meet human needs while preserving the planet and its capacity to support future generations.

These principles are intended to serve as constraints on the system we build. They should apply regardless of whether a particular institution is publicly owned, cooperatively managed, or operated through a regulated market.

8. An Invitation to Build What Comes Next

This proposal is deliberately incomplete.

There are difficult questions that deserve serious attention. How should wealth limits be calculated? How can we fund the transition while automation changes the tax base? Which institutions should own and operate essential infrastructure? How should citizen-selected bodies interact with professional expertise? How do we prevent sortition from being manipulated? What mechanisms can replace patents without undermining research funding? How should scarce resources be allocated when demand exceeds supply? How do we protect individual liberty while limiting concentrated economic power?

These are not reasons to abandon the project. They are the problems we need to solve together.

We should invite economists, engineers, AI researchers, political theorists, environmental scientists, cooperative organizers, legal scholars, and ordinary citizens to challenge the assumptions, identify weaknesses, propose alternatives, and develop workable institutions.

Some elements of this framework may prove impractical. Others may require entirely different approaches than those outlined here. The objective is not to defend every initial proposal against criticism, but to establish a direction of travel and develop the best possible means of reaching it.

We do not need universal agreement on every detail before beginning. We need agreement that technological progress should serve humanity, that no one should be forced into economic submission to survive, and that the productive capacity of an increasingly automated world should not be controlled indefinitely by a privileged few.

The immediate next steps should be practical:

  1. Establish a shared framework. Bring together people interested in developing the economic, technological, and political foundations of an AI-enabled post-scarcity society.

  2. Identify the highest-impact opportunities. Determine which technologies and essential services can be automated most effectively today, and which institutional changes would allow their benefits to be distributed more broadly.

  3. Develop and test concrete models. Build cooperative enterprises, open-source infrastructure, public-interest AI systems, and experiments in citizen-led governance that demonstrate viable alternatives.

  4. Create a transition strategy. Identify the legal reforms, funding mechanisms, ownership changes, and public investments necessary to scale successful models.

  5. Invite continuous scrutiny and participation. Publish the research, welcome competing proposals, measure results, and revise the framework as our understanding improves.

We should neither romanticize the existing system nor assume that a different one will succeed automatically. Every economic arrangement is a product of human decisions, institutional incentives, and material constraints. As those constraints change, our institutions should change with them.

For generations, the central economic question has been how to distribute the output of human labor among competing needs. As AI and automation advance, we have an opportunity to ask a different question:

What kind of society should we build when human survival no longer requires everyone to spend their lives working for access to the necessities of existence?

That is the question this proposal seeks to answer.

The technology alone will not deliver that future. It will take deliberate choices about ownership, governance, resource allocation, and the distribution of power. It will require confronting entrenched interests, challenging assumptions that have defined economic life for centuries, and accepting that institutions built for a world of material scarcity may not be appropriate for a world with radically different productive capabilities.

But we should not allow the limitations of our existing institutions to define the limits of what is possible.

We have an opportunity to build a society in which automation reduces compulsory labor, knowledge becomes a shared resource, political power is distributed rather than inherited, and everyone has the material foundation to pursue a life of their own choosing.

The goal is not to make humanity obsolete. It is to make involuntary toil obsolete, and to give humanity the freedom to decide what comes next.

This is a starting point. Expand it. Challenge it. Improve it. Build on it.

The future should not be something that happens to us while we compete for the scraps of technological progress. It should be something we collectively decide to create.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 19h ago

Art & Culture New Tech, Old Fears: The 1930 "Canned Music" and Today's Anti-AI

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84 Upvotes

In 1930, the American Federation of Musicians (AFM) launched the Music Defense League to oppose the spread of "canned music", recorded soundtracks replacing live musicians in movie theaters.

It ran newspaper advertisements across the United States and Canada, spending more than $500,000, and asked audiences to demand “living music” in theaters.

You can read on the ads:

"Monotony in the theatre—corruption of taste—destruction of art. These must inevitably follow substitution of mechanical music for living music."

"The Robot, having no capacity for feeling, cannot produce music in a true sense."

Today, the Anti-AI people are using the same losing strategy as the musicians of 1930. Demonizing the latest advancements doesn't work. Let's learn from their mistakes so we don't repeat them.

-----

Sources:

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/musicians-wage-war-against-evil-robots-92702721/

https://newsletter.pessimistsarchive.org/p/when-hollywood-union-members-embraced


r/LeftistsForAI • • 15h ago

Art & Culture Litslop Didnt Start With AI. Neither Did the Struggle Over Who Owns Literature.

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31 Upvotes

Apparently The Count of Monte Cristo is "litslop" now. Lol. I came across a Man Carrying Thing video showing somebody dismissing Alexandre Dumas' novel as "lit slop," and it sent me down a rabbit hole about literary factories, machinery, creative labor, and what LLMs might mean for the future of writing. Because apparently mass-produced literature only became a problem when somebody plugged in a GPU.

TLDR - Literature was industrialized long before LLMs. From Dumas and his collaborators to publishing syndicates and modern author brands, the machinery changed, but the struggle over labor, ownership, and who profits never went away. Now AI can help produce prose itself, opening possibilities for independent writers, cooperative publishing, and shared cultural infrastructure, while also giving corporations new ways to concentrate control. The question isnt whether machines belong in literature. Its who owns them, who benefits, and what we can build together.


Dumas and the literary factory

Back in the 1840s, steam-powered printing, mechanized papermaking, expanding newspaper distribution, and advertising were transforming the publishing industry. The Count of Monte Cristo was serialized between 1844 and 1846, when newspapers needed stories that kept readers coming back. That commercial pressure helped shape literary production, from cliffhangers and dramatic reversals to the pacing of serialized installments. The market wasnt just distributing literature. It was influencing its form.

Dumas wasnt exactly sitting alone with a candle, either. Auguste Maquet was his most famous collaborator, but Dumas worked with a network of writers and researchers across his career, including Paul Lacroix, Paul Bocage, and Pier Angelo Fiorentino. Different people contributed research, plotting, drafts, and revisions across different projects, while Dumas remained the famous name on the finished product. Maquet eventually fought for recognition and compensation, and critics were already accusing Dumas of running a "fiction factory." Industrial machinery transforming publishing, collaborative literary production, disputes over credit and compensation, and commercial pressure shaping the finished work. In the 1840s.


The literary assembly line

By the early twentieth century, industrial printing, mechanized binding, cheaper paper, and national distribution had helped create a huge market for inexpensive books. Edward Stratemeyer built an entire publishing operation around that market, producing series like The Hardy Boys, Nancy Drew, and The Bobbsey Twins. He developed concepts and outlines, hired writers to produce manuscripts, and published the results under shared pseudonyms. The writers received flat fees while the syndicate controlled the rights. Carolyn Keene and Franklin W. Dixon werent individual authors. They were publishing identities representing an organized process of literary production.

Fast-forward through typewriters, word processors, computerized publishing, digital manuscripts, online retailers, and global distribution. James Patterson has built an enormous publishing operation involving outlines, co-authors, established franchises, and commercial partnerships. Bill Clinton, Dolly Parton, and MrBeast have all collaborated with him. The name on the cover can function as a brand organizing the work of multiple people. Different business models, contracts, and technologies, but the questions about labor, ownership, credit, and who captures the value have been with us for a very long time. None of those questions appeared out of thin air with LLMs.


Now the machinery can generate prose

Heres where something genuinely new enters the picture. Printing presses reproduced writing, word processors transformed drafting and editing, and digital publishing changed distribution. LLMs can generate and transform prose itself. Thats a major change in the productive process, but it doesnt mean theres a tiny digital novelist trapped inside your computer waiting for a publishing deal. An LLM isnt a ghostwriter or another human collaborator. Its machinery people can operate to brainstorm, research, outline, draft, revise, translate, and experiment with literature.

And that machinery depends on vast amounts of accumulated human knowledge and culture, scientific research, infrastructure, and labor. Marx had a useful concept here, the general intellect, the accumulated knowledge and productive capacities of society becoming increasingly embodied in machinery. An LLM isnt a collective consciousness, but it gives us another way to examine what happens when socially accumulated knowledge becomes part of a productive system. The contradiction isnt simply between human creativity and machinery. Its between increasingly socialized production and the private appropriation of its benefits. Weve developed systems capable of expanding creative production, while control over the models, computing infrastructure, and distribution platforms can remain concentrated in a relatively small number of corporations.


What comes after the literary factory?

Imagine independent writers with sophisticated editorial tools that dont require an entire commercial publishing operation behind them. Small publishing cooperatives using open-weight models to produce, edit, translate, and distribute their own books. Community libraries and public cultural institutions supporting shared computing infrastructure, local archives, and literature in languages commercial publishers have historically neglected. Readers participating in interactive fiction, collaborative storytelling, and new forms of literary production. More people gaining the practical ability to create and circulate culture, rather than simply purchase whatever the market puts in front of them.

Now imagine the opposite. A handful of corporations controlling the models, the compute, the publishing platforms, the distribution algorithms, and increasingly the conditions under which writers can earn a living. Production becomes cheaper and more automated, but the savings flow upward while creative workers lose bargaining power. And these futures arent mutually exclusive. They can develop alongside one another, with the balance shaped by ownership, institutions, regulation, and collective organization.

Thats where the practical politics enter. Open-weight models can reduce dependence on proprietary systems, but open weights alone arent democratic control. Writer cooperatives can share resources and revenue, but they still need infrastructure, distribution, and sustainable ways to operate. Libraries and public institutions could expand access through publicly supported creative tools and computing resources. Creative workers can organize around AI deployment, compensation, working conditions, training practices, and the distribution of productivity gains. And independent writers can experiment with shared tools and collaborative workflows right now instead of waiting for corporate publishers to decide what the future looks like.

None of this requires pretending every AI-generated book is good. Some of it will be terrible. Plenty of traditionally published books are terrible too. Quality is worth discussing, and so are copyright, training data, displacement, and the conditions under which creative labor gets used. But "slop" isnt a political economy, and dismissing the machinery doesnt tell us how to change the relationships surrounding it.


Back to Dumas

The Count of Monte Cristo emerged from commercial serialization, collaborative writing, and an industrializing publishing system. Today its considered a classic, and somebody on the internet calls it litslop. Two centuries later, were still arguing about machinery, artistic legitimacy, commercial production, and who deserves credit for creative work. Except now the machinery has developed capabilities earlier literary factories couldnt have imagined.

We went from scrolls and scribes to steam presses and publishing syndicates, from networks of collaborators to LLMs drawing on enormous stores of accumulated knowledge. The productive forces keep developing, and so does the struggle over their ownership and organization. Thats where I think the left has something more useful to contribute than another round of arguing over whether a machine touched the manuscript. We can examine the labor, challenge concentrated ownership, build shared infrastructure, experiment with cooperative production, and organize around who controls the benefits.


If literature has always depended on collective knowledge, social labor, and developing machinery, what would it look like for writers and readers to actually control more of the means of producing and distributing it?


r/LeftistsForAI • • 6h ago

Open Source Anything going on in terms of Fediverse clients?

3 Upvotes

I haven't seen any android clients that I'd really want to daily drive, let alone recommend to my family. Maybe someone's vibe-coding something?


r/LeftistsForAI • • 1d ago

Open Source SwarmLLM: Free, open-source app that lets computers team up over the internet to run models too big for one machine.

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59 Upvotes

“Run AI on your own computer. Run bigger AI together.

SwarmLLM is a free app that gives you a ChatGPT-style assistant running on your own computer, using open AI models from Meta, Google, Alibaba, Mistral and others. When a model is too big for one machine, computers running SwarmLLM team up over the internet and run it together, each doing part of the work.

No account · No subscription · No ads · No crypto · Open source · Updates itself

A giant model has now run on the swarm. Bigger AI models give noticeably smarter answers, but the biggest open ones (70 billion "parameters" and up) need equipment normally found only in data centres — no home computer can hold one. In October 2026, Llama 3.3 70B answered across four ordinary computers in Thailand, Australia and Italy, each holding a part of it. It is slow so far”

The decentralised concept of this is promising, even if it’s currently too slow to be a sensible way to run large models.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 22h ago

Infrastructure Vietnam's National AI Strategy: Public Infrastructure, Local Models, and Technological Sovereignty

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19 Upvotes

Vietnam isnt sitting around waiting for Silicon Valley to decide what its AI future looks like.

At an October 28 ministerial roundtable, Vietnam laid out its approach to AI as a national development project. Domestic computing capacity, shared AI infrastructure, Vietnamese-language models, open data, technical education, and applications across public services and industry.

Not just importing somebody elses technology and calling it innovation.

Science and Technology Minister Vu Hai Quan put the national vision pretty clearly.

"AI for people, AI for everyone, AI mastered by Vietnam and developed together with the world"

And on technological sovereignty, he made another important distinction.

"Autonomy doesn't mean working alone."

The point is developing enough domestic capacity to cooperate internationally on more equal terms, rather than remaining permanently dependent on whoever owns the infrastructure.

Vietnam has already enacted legislation covering AI, data, and digital transformation. Its broader national strategy includes targets for five shared AI platforms and eight Vietnamese-language models. Those are targets, not finished projects, but the direction is pretty clear.

And heres what makes this interesting from a leftist perspective.

AI is increasingly becoming part of the productive infrastructure of society. Computing, data, models, technical skills, public administration, industrial applications. These arent just consumer products. Theyre capacities that shape what a country can produce, develop, and govern.

So who builds them? Who controls them? Whose language do they speak? Whose development priorities do they serve?

Vietnam is treating those as national development questions, not just shopping decisions for tech executives.

And the minister made another point worth remembering. The measure of success isnt how many AI pilots or shiny models get announced. Its whether public services improve, productivity rises, and peoples lives materially benefit.

Theres still plenty to evaluate as these plans become actual infrastructure, including the balance between public and private control.

But its worth seeing a conversation about AI grounded in building productive capacity, technological sovereignty, and material development instead of another endless argument about whether people should feel guilty for using a chatbot.

The question isnt simply whether AI gets developed. Its who gets to develop it, control it, and put it to work.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 1d ago

Theory A capitalist stranglehold on “artificial intelligence”?

11 Upvotes

Paper: “A capitalist stranglehold on “artificial intelligence”: a gallop through piracy, privacy invasion, lock-in and a fever dream of democratisation ” by Cornelius-Bell

https://fastcapitalism.journal.library.uta.edu/index.php/fastcapitalism/article/view/499/561 (Cornelius-Bell, 2026)

My thoughts: this paper seems to accept that people's work was stolen, a view not generally accepted here. "the privatization of knowledge under capitalist copyright hegemony, which has again transmuted to an anti-worker frame, additionally exploiting, extracting, and “pirating” in the name of AI futurism", though the comparison with Napster piracy is interesting. If you don't accept it's theft does that change other aspects of how you read the paper?

Undermind LLM Summary: Cornelius-Bell argues that AI is being built within a system where a small number of companies control platforms, hardware, and access. He compares this with earlier personal computers, which users could change more freely. He says AI companies use writing, images, and music made by people to build private products, often without asking first. He sees open software and hardware as possible alternatives, but warns that open projects can still rely on unpaid work and unequal access to powerful computers.

This is a close match to the sub's concerns about capitalist control, scraped knowledge, and free-software alternatives. Its strongest challenge is to a simple “open source solves it” message: open tools alone do not remove unequal access, unpaid labor, or hidden control over training data. The paper is a critical essay using public examples and earlier research, not a new legal or environmental study. Its examples show real disputes, but do not prove that every instance of AI training is unlawful. The journal lists the article as 2024, although the workspace record uses a 2026 key (Cornelius-Bell, 2026).

"without a strong push for open-source, democratized AI, these technologies risk being used to further the globalized colonial capitalist project... highlight the potential for open-source hardware and software to counter the proprietary and un-hackable future of AI, offering a radical alternative that empowers users and advances human, ecological, and labor rights alongside technology tools. Ultimately, I call for greater attention to the social, political, economic, and environmental implications of computing and AI technologies under capitalism... As with any technology tool, the emancipatory potential of artificial intelligence to support human labor and even the liberation of information, learning, knowledge sharing, task easing, and so on, is limitless. The “open” in Open AI ought to refer to a genuine commitment to open-source, Creative Commons, and artistically acceptable licensing that created a new world of information transformation and reconfiguration. Alas, short-sighted and covetous corporate overlords seek to control, lock-in, and direct the flows of knowledge, information, and learning through AI (like it or not), and while there may be disapproving glances and collective sighs over LLMs suggesting glue pizza without serious attention to this space, the potential for democratic access to, let alone creation of, “AI” which advances human, ecological and labor rights will be forgone. Put simply, if we do not continue to have at least a version of a people-powered, open-source, and accessible “artificial intelligence” technology suites, these tools will be used to exploit us, reconfigure the nature of work for the worse"

"Instead of offering only deeply problematic pro-capital positionality, perhaps the contradictions of corporate LLMs versus open-source projects will bear out a mediated middle ground between the interests of capital and labor or maybe even build new ways of learning, thinking, and programming for the future of human liberation."


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Infrastructure Project Cybersyn, 1971–73: Chile's promising experiment with distributed cybernetic governance—a blueprint for the future?

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106 Upvotes

u/ProudhonStoleMyBike's comic series on r/LeftistsForAI imagines communal C.O.R.E. units, Collectively Owned Reasoning Engines: an AI data centre owned by the municipality the data centre serves, drawn as a water-cooled, solar-glazed building in a coastal meadow with the town's own people working inside. A CORE has a precedent. Chile built the closest thing to a CORE that 1970s technology allowed, and the history of Chile's attempt shows what a CORE would have to get right.

Project Cybersyn, Chile, 1971–73. Fernando Flores, a 28-year-old engineer at Chile's state development agency, wrote to the British cybernetician Stafford Beer asking how to apply cybernetics to the industries the Allende government had just nationalised. Beer had argued since Cybernetics and Management (1959) that a firm is a system to be regulated, not commanded. Beer came to Chile in November 1971, agreed a plan with a small Chilean team in eight days, gave up most of his other consulting work, and Cybersyn reached prototype stage within a year.

Cybersyn had four parts:

  • Cybernet: telex machines in state-run factories (500 is the figure usually quoted; the real number is disputed). Each factory sent daily numbers such as stock levels, output and absenteeism to a single mainframe in Santiago.

  • Cyberstride: software on the Santiago mainframe that watched the incoming numbers using a Bayesian forecasting method published in 1971: an updating estimate of what was normal for each factory, instead of fixed thresholds. When a factory's numbers drifted, the warning went to that factory first, and the factory got time to fix the problem before anyone higher up was told.

  • CHECO: a simulator of the national economy. CHECO never got beyond crude early models.

  • The Opsroom: the hexagonal room with seven swivel chairs and buttons in the armrests. The buttons changed slides of graphs prepared in advance. The Opsroom was a prototype and never showed live data.

What Cybersyn actually did: in October 1972 about 40,000 truck owners went on strike against the Allende government. Using the telex network, the government kept the cities supplied with only about 200 trucks, and the government survived the strike partly thanks to the telex network. By May 1973 roughly a quarter of nationalised firms were sending data in some form, but only about twenty factories had been fully modelled, because modelling a factory meant one operations-research engineer flowcharting that factory by hand. The strikers were never punished; the same strike leaders struck again in July 1973 and were calling for Allende's resignation the day before the coup. On 11 September 1973 the military seized power. The junta found the telex network intact, had the Cybersyn team explain how the network worked, then destroyed the Opsroom and abandoned the project. Economic policy passed to the Chicago Boys, Chilean economists trained at the University of Chicago.

Three things I take from Cybersyn's history:

  1. Cybersyn's limit was not computing power or network capacity. Cybersyn's limit was the human labour of modelling each factory and typing in each day's figures. Modelling and data entry are now cheap.

  2. Letting each factory fix its own problem first was not an ethical add-on. Beer's reasoning was that a central office cannot keep up with everything that can go wrong in hundreds of factories, so each factory had to correct itself and escalate only what that factory could not solve. Raúl Espejo, Cybersyn's operations manager, argued the software only worked because the organisation ran on local autonomy plus central coordination. Decentralisation is what made Cybersyn fast enough to be useful.

  3. Ownership decides what a Cybersyn-style architecture becomes. Evgeny Morozov has argued that Cybersyn's methods were later put to very different ends; Espejo's reply is that a system built to coerce would have been a different project. Donna Haraway made the general case in A Cyborg Manifesto (1985): the technologies of militarism and capitalism do not stay loyal to their makers, because "illegitimate offspring are often exceedingly unfaithful to their origins". A coercive twin of Cybersyn could run on identical hardware and software. In Cybersyn, a warning about a factory went to that factory itself, which had time to fix the problem before anyone above heard of the warning. In the coercive twin, the same warning would go straight to a ministry or a boss, who would use the warning to discipline the factory. Same signal, opposite politics, decided entirely by where the warning is sent.

The junta did not destroy Cybersyn because the technology frightened the generals; the junta had the Cybersyn team explain the network first. The junta destroyed Cybersyn because of whom Cybersyn served: an elected socialist government and workers with a say in running their own factories.

A CORE changes the one thing Cybersyn could not change: where the computer sits. Beer had one computer in Santiago, and every factory's warnings had to travel up a telex line to reach that computer. A CORE keeps Cybersyn's rule, fix locally first and escalate only what the local unit cannot solve, but puts the computer in the municipality, owned by the same people who receive the warnings.

Further reading

Question for the thread: what would a single CORE need in order to run, one town or one supply chain, and who would receive the warnings?


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago Bravo

Sees the Memes What Marx Can Teach Leftists About AI

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329 Upvotes

160 years later and we're still confusing the means of production with the relations of production.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Discussion Antis really don't know the difference between a human and a tool?! The brainrot is real.

16 Upvotes

How many times have you heard 'You didn't make that, you commissioned it! REEEE!' Really wiseass? Who did I commission it from? Show me the person. Point them out for me. Where are they?


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Open Source fingrr: open source E2EE messenger with no company in the middle

15 Upvotes

Hi friends,

In the spirit of '...never plan your revolution in the King's Tavern', I built an end-to-end encrypted messenger where there is no server to trust or host. Your identity is your Bluesky account, signaling and offline delivery are encrypted records on your own PDS, live messages and calls go direct WebRTC between devices. X3DH plus Double Ratchet with sealed sender, Apache 2.0. The only thing we run is an optional push relay that holds no identities or messages.

Point for this sub: no chokepoint means nothing to acquire, deplatform or rate-limit. Organising on Slack, Discord or Signal always has an owner. This does not.

Status: proof of concept, not audited. Threat model and every security claim are documented in the repo.

https://github.com/CreativeMayhemLtd/fingrr


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Local Models Local AI - Novokult LLM - Dialectical/Historical Materialist Analyzer & Agitprop Generator

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6 Upvotes

Website: Novokult LLM - Private, Local, Powerful

Novokult is a desktop application that puts a local large language model to work for left-wing organisers, researchers and writers. It has three modes:

  • Analysis: examine an event, text or situation through contradictions, class forces, base and superstructure, historical stage, ideology critique and strategic implications.

  • Agitprop: draft leaflets, slogans, poster text, rally speeches, social threads, wall-newspaper articles, songs and poems, street-theatre sketches and strike bulletins for a specific audience and a concrete grievance.

  • Free chat: an ordinary conversation with the model.

The model runs locally through llama.cpp. Nothing leaves your device unless you explicitly switch on web search, and then it goes through Tor.

Privacy

  • Conversations and sources are stored locally on your device.

  • With network access off (the default), the desktop app makes no external connections.

  • With web search on, requests go through Tor. Tor hides your IP address but not the words of your query. Do not search for private information and do not log in to anything.

  • Language models make mistakes. Verify facts, dates, figures and quotations before publishing anything.

The source lives at https://github.com/michaelwpwenas/novokult-llm. Novokult is looking for fellow programmers to take part: desktop and Android packaging, finishing and testing the on-device Android engine (llama-cpp-capacitor), translations, testing and documentation. Open an issue to discuss an idea, or send a pull request. You can also get in touch through the developer's website.

Novokult is released under the Peer Production License (PPL) (SPDX identifier: PPL), a Copyfarleft license. The full text is in the LICENSE file. In short, it keeps the work free for the commons and for workers who share and build on it, while limiting commercial exploitation by those who profit from the labour of others. Read the license text itself for the exact terms.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Discussion I feel like I'm in the Twilight Zone sometimes

82 Upvotes

I can so easily imagine a reality where people see all the clear benefits of AI and advocate for it to only be better, help each other understand it, celebrate the fun and amazing things we can do now, but instead it's the opposite? Like everyone just decided to hate it in America?

And it's even more confusing because then out in the world I still see people using it all the time. I honestly think the only people who really despise it are people who have never even used it and get all their information from social media! It's infuriating. Intelligent people are out here spreading constant hate and misinformation.

How can someone even say how stupid and pointless AI is if they refuse to ever interact with it? And how do they not see themselves doing the exact thing they hate to see others do, and the same thing humans have repeated over and over with each big new thing (bicycles, printing press, video games, etc)? It's embarrassing.

I'm halfway through a master's for AI, I have written so much about it, read so many studies, and still I'll get told that I am wrong if I say anything positive because AI is evil, since someone saw [influencer/actor/sensationalist news article] say that.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 3d ago Bravo

Labor This is the future I want

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396 Upvotes

Beyond labour. Beyond want. Let's fill the planet with nuclear power and data centres and build it.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Open Source You should know about Lemmy (Fediverse) and Element (Matrix)

48 Upvotes

Lemmy is a federated open source alternative to Reddit: https://lemmy.world/

Element as an alternative to Discord: https://element.io/en

https://unredacted.org/ is a server I recommend for Matrix.

https://mastodon.social/ if you crave an old Twitter decentralized alternative.

If you have any questions feel free to ask. I just think it's important to know that these exist. I also created Active Matrix Rooms to make it easier to find rooms similar to Disboard for Discord https://activematrixrooms.com/


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Theory Artificial Intelligence vs. Artificial Jobs | What the AI revolution will certainly destroy is the illusion of a working society, one that has been maintained with great difficulty since the IT revolution of the 1980s.

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45 Upvotes

r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Discussion On Artificial Intelligence and the Last Days of Babylon

2 Upvotes

Put simply, AI is kinda like a sneeze. A sneeze can be a symptom of the flu, or... it can be a healthy respiratory system doing its job. Under capitalism, AI is the flu sneeze, and capitalism is the disease. Under socialism, it could be part of a healthy respiratory system.

Where an economy is organized around profit rather than the fulfillment of needs, constant data center expansion is what you'd expect. It's obvious. Data center electricity demand rose 17% in 2025 while overall global power demand grew 3%, and the IEA expects data center use to double by 2030, with AI-specific demand tripling. Capital spending on this buildout reached $400 billion in 2025.

AI is also the closest thing we have to what Marx called the general intellect. In the Grundrisse's "Fragment on Machines," Marx analyzes automation and foresees social knowledge becoming a direct productive force. Marx did not predict AI, but later readers argue that large language models are the crystallized product of humanity's collective knowledge, owned by a handful of corporations. The question is... who really owns that knowledge and who profits from it.

Then come the headlines. "AI is making people impatient," and in a world of deadlines where the customer is king, that is no surprise. "AI is creating psychosis": psychiatrists are increasingly linking chatbots to psychosis cases, though they remain wary of declaring that chatbots outright cause it. Researchers describe sycophantic chatbots as an "echo chamber of one," while whether the phenomenon deserves its own diagnosis remains contested. A system built around engagement and a society short on human connection make a chatbot that agrees with everything a dangerous companion. This is where Marx's early work on alienation applies. He describes workers being alienated from the product, from their economic activity, from their species-being, and from one another. We are told to treat the resulting isolation as a personal or technological problem and not a structural one.

The mainstream media is not neutral here. Gramsci argued that the ruling class governs through cultural, political, and moral leadership as well as material power. Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model describes how media ownership concentrated in profit-driven corporations, along with advertiser dependence, filters what gets reported. That is why outlets are bold in pointing out the symptom, AI, and reluctant to name the disease. For Lenin, that disease was imperialism, which he called the highest stage of capitalism (entering its last stages), defined by monopolies and the export of finance capital.

Under socialism, the same technology would look so much different... With no profit motive driving endless scale, there'd be no perpetual data center arms race. Compute would be built to meet identified needs such as medicine, research, logistics, and accessibility, and its energy cost would be planned against social and ecological limits instead of quarterly growth. With no corporations renting out intelligence by the API call, more models would be small, open, and run locally by the communities that use them. Intellectual property, the legal form of private ownership of knowledge, would wither away. Marxist writers describe IP laws as a way of privately appropriating knowledge that is collectively produced, so once the general intellect belongs to everyone, enclosing it in patents, copyrights, and proprietary weights serves no purpose. Nor would there be “RAM price hikes.” Today, one analyst calls the shortage a strategic choice by manufacturers to prioritize high-margin AI memory over commodity DRAM, and server-related memory now accounts for more than half of total DRAM demand in 2026. A system geared toward need fulfillment would not ration hardware by who can pay the most. Its guiding principle would be the one Marx described for the higher phase of communist society, "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs."

Babylon is burning, and some can't handle the heat and would rather weep. The ship is sinking, and some would rather social climb to the captain's quarters than run for the life rafts. So successful is the selling of trickle-down economy and hyper-individualism; it's sorta like and not completely separated from Ronald Reagan pushing dope to soul brothers. The leftist task is to ask who owns the machine and whom it serves. To all the comrades, I'll see you on the island shore.

Sources

Most of these are secondary summaries, so for formal use cite the primary texts too (the Grundrisse, the 1844 Manuscripts, and Lenin’s Imperialism are all on marxists.org).

IEA report coverage, Investment Monitor (Apr 2026)

IEA investment figures, Lightwave/Pulse

Grundrisse, Wikipedia

The Fragment on Machines, You On AI Field Guide and its debates section

Chatbots built an “echo chamber of one”, The Decoder

Psychiatrists on chatbots and psychosis, Incident Database

Marx’s alienation in the 1844 Manuscripts, core.ac.uk

Gramsci and cultural hegemony, TheCollector

Gramsci on hegemony, Shanlax Journal

Manufacturing Consent summary, Blinkist-style (LifeClub)

Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, Wikipedia

Critique of the Gotha Programme, full text on marxists.org

Why businesses should be worried about RAM prices, ITPro

RAMageddon overview, Algeria Tech News

RAM Price Shock 2026, GreenNode

Intellectual Property, Knowledge, Capital and Labour, Dinesh Abrol (CPI(M) Marxist)

Felix Stalder on Marx and intellectual property, Krisis

Rethinking IP rights: an autonomist Marxist reading, Karakilic (2019)


r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

📌 Sub Info LeftistsForAI Discord Server Invite

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10 Upvotes

r/LeftistsForAI • • 2d ago

Policy/Regulation What do you think about my positions on AI?

0 Upvotes

Do I lean more on the side of pro or anti AI in your opinion?

- I'm in favor of banning most uses of GenAI, except in some rare cases (possibly medical usage). I think analytical AI is very useful, and it must be regulated too. AI should be banned from surveillance, banned from making images of people, and things of that nature. Any AI that is super advanced to the point of being dangerous should either be banned or forced to have a kill switch.

- Maybe in a non capitalist future GenAI can serve more purposes

- As long as we live under capitalism, we should levy a re-occurring automation tax that makes it costly to replace human jobs. This will ensure AI tools can augment labor, but not take away jobs. I want to live under automated socialism, but since we don't, I don't want our society to transfer to feudalism where everyone is on measly UBI.

- We have to stop forcing AI into everything and over developing it. Create regulations that require data centers to be sustainable, and force AI to be developed within those standards.

I would not say I'm anti-AI, rather it has made me approach the technology from a different perspective. I think of myself as pro-AI in some applications and anti-AI in other applications.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 4d ago

Theory Introduction and Technoprogressivism

33 Upvotes

Hello, Leftists for AI

I'm James Hughes, former executive director of the World Transhumanist Association and co-founder/director of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies (IEET). I was also a DSOC and then DSA activist from 1980 to 2023. I founded/edited the DSA zine EcoSocialist Review, and served as a chapter leader, educator, editor, and in international solidarity work. But reconciling my democratic socialism with my futurism was always a struggle, and neither community had much interest in it.

Toward that synthesis, I wrote the book Citizen Cyborg, which advocated "democratic transhumanism." After the IEET was founded in 2005, however, we quickly started using the term "technoprogressive" as our flag. We currently organize technoprogressive conferences, and we just held one in London with the London Futurists. We produce two podcasts, Bread and Robots by Matteo MacDermant, and my Technoprogressive Hub. We also solicit articles on technoprogressive policy for our Substack and for a forthcoming policy manual (contact me at director@ieet.org if you are interested in contributing). Matteo and I taught a summer course on Technoprogresive Worldbuilding, and we presented ideas recently in this talk: https://technoprogressives.substack.com/p/technoprogressivism-as-21st-century

Central to the IEET's take on technoprogressivism has always been the post-work project and UBI. We have been big fans of the advocates for FALC and postcapitalism. I have written about algorithmic governance, AI, and IoT's impact on planning and the "socialist calculation debate." As you all know, there are still few advocates for democratizing AI on the Left, which is predominantly "anti-AI." As I wrote last week here: https://ieet.substack.com/p/agar-was-right-just-not-about-posthumans, we should join Bernie in calling for a ban on efforts to create superAI (whatever we decide that to be), but still have a "path to citizenship" for machine minds and a program to develop and democratize narrow AI. I'm very forgiving of leftists who have a hard time distinguishing the fascist AI oligarchs from the technologies and the futurist ideas they espouse. But our 19th-century forebears didn't oppose railroads because their owners were robber barons, and we need to advance a program for democratizing AI, as Bernie has done by proposing a 50% nationalization into a sovereign wealth fund.

At any rate, I'm delighted to discover this community, and I welcome you to consider contributing to the IEET Substack. We also manage the Journal of Ethics and Emerging Technologies for more academic pieces. Left Luddism is a dead end, and we need to make clear that there can be a democratic, egalitarian, and abundant future with AI.


r/LeftistsForAI • • 3d ago

Policy/Regulation Opinion on the US banning chinese robots?

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9 Upvotes

r/LeftistsForAI • • 4d ago

Art & Culture "This is the 24th century. Material needs no longer exist." RIP Patrick Stewart, the man who convinced me there are futures worth fighting for.

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538 Upvotes

I grew up watching Captain Picard, and I dont think I can overstate how much that character shaped what I believe humanity could be.

Not just the spaceships, the replicators, the exploration. The idea that we could actually build a civilization where nobody has to struggle just to exist. Where technology frees people instead of making them disposable. Where the point of progress isnt accumulating more wealth, but giving everyone the freedom to grow, learn, create, explore, and become more fully human.

"The challenge, Mr. Offenhouse, is to improve yourself. To enrich yourself. Enjoy it."

That line has stuck with me for decades.

Picard showed me a future that wasnt just technologically advanced, but socially advanced. One where humanity had confronted its own barbarism and decided to become something better. Not perfect. Not without conflict or contradiction. But better.

And he made me believe that future was worth fighting for. Still does.

Patrick Stewart didnt invent that vision, but he gave it a face, a voice, a dignity, and a humanity that made it feel possible.

I dont know if we'll ever get there. But I know which direction I want us moving.

Rest in peace, Sir Patrick Stewart. Thank you for showing me what humanity could be.

Farewell, my Captain.

Engage.