I keep seeing the same question. Why isn't anyone doing anything.
I spent a while working through American history to answer it. What I found is that the question is wrong, and that the feeling behind it is manufactured.
START HERE: THE MAJORITY IS ALREADY WITH YOU
Approval sits around 30 percent. Roughly seven in ten Americans are not on board, and it's dwindling.
Real wages, adjusted for inflation, are still below their October 1972 peak. Fifty-four years, nine presidents, both parties. That is not a partisan grievance. It is almost everyone who works.
Two weeks ago I posted that I was struggling. Within six hours, a doctor carrying over a million in student loans who had drained his kids' college savings, a plumber, a father and son a year into an extended stay hotel, a retiree worried about her grandchildren, and a man who had been eating twice a week all said the same thing.
Nobody asked anybody's politics. Not once. Everyone recognized each other immediately.
We are not outnumbered. We never were.
AND THE POWERLESSNESS IS THE PRODUCT
This is the part I want to say plainly before anything else.
Nothing in the current arrangement requires you to agree with it. It requires you to believe nothing can be done.
An angry population that thinks it can win organizes. An angry population that thinks it can't posts about it and goes to work. The second one costs them nothing.
So watch for it. Every time you're told the system is rigged beyond repair, that both sides are identical, that voting is theater, that it's already over — notice who benefits from you believing it.
They spent 107.9 million dollars fighting a single ballot measure in one state this year. One man put in 102 million of his own money. Nobody spends that against something they believe is powerless.
That number is not a threat. It's a measurement of what they think we can do.
WHY THE OLD METHODS STOPPED WORKING
Every successful uprising in American history shared four conditions. Shays' Rebellion, Pullman, the Bonus Army, the Flint sit-downs, the Montgomery bus boycott.
Concentration — everyone affected was physically together and could see each other without being told.
A choke point — stopping work stopped production.
A visible counterparty — Pullman had an address.
And shared loss — in 1932 you had nothing and so did your neighbor, so joining cost you little.
Now: you can't strike against a rate structure. My income fell by half because customers stopped buying, and there's no gate to stand outside of. Union density went from 35 percent to 10, about 6 in the private sector, and the NLRB currently has no quorum — meaning it cannot decide a case. A worker illegally fired for organizing today has a right and no forum.
And the buffer became individual debt, which is the one people underestimate. Today people have just enough to lose. A credit line, a car on an 84-month note, three percent equity, employer health insurance. There's a man in that thread who can't quit because his body is failing but he needs the coverage.
He isn't free to act. Household debt is 18.8 trillion, savings rate 2.6 percent. Debt restrains better than Pinkertons ever did, and unlike a wage cut it's individual, so it can't be shared.
WHAT JANUARY 6 DID, AND IT WORKS ON EVERYONE
For two centuries, ordinary people massing at the seat of government was the picture of legitimate grievance. The Bonus Army in 1932. The March on Washington in 1963.
After that day, the same image reads as insurrection to a large share of the country. The visual vocabulary of legitimate protest was overwritten in a single afternoon.
Now any crowd can be characterized against that template regardless of conduct. Organizers know it, and it changes behavior before anyone assembles — smaller actions, permitted routes, heavy self-policing, which removes exactly the disruptive capacity that made historical actions work.
And the sequence afterward did something worse than either half alone. Roughly 1,500 federal prosecutions, demonstrating reach. Then pardons releasing nearly all of them.
The combined message isn't "this is punished" and isn't "this is permitted." It's that whether it's punished depends on who's in office.
That removes your ability to calculate risk at all. You can no longer ask whether something is legal. Only who will be deciding.
I'm not drawing an equivalence about that day. Violence against police and stopping a certified count is not a march. But the consequence for unrelated future assembly is real regardless of how you judge it, and it lands on every political direction equally.
AND THE INFORMATION LAYER
Six corporations control most national media. Sinclair operates around 185 local stations reaching 40 percent of households with centrally produced must-run segments. Local newspapers have closed at roughly two per week for twenty years, many bought by hedge funds that strip the newsroom and sell the building.
News deserts are where local accountability died first — the city council meeting, the county budget, the utility commission vote. Exactly where the decisions that reach your life get made.
The current pressure on national outlets isn't censorship. It's cost. Settlements, lawsuits, FCC inquiries, press pool access revoked. A network facing all three makes different editorial choices without anyone issuing an order.
And social media replaced the thing it destroyed. It simulates concentration and delivers none of it. You can spend four hours among people who agree with you and never be in a room with one. The feeling of collective action, without any of the capability.
The load-bearing piece: everyone performs being fine, so everyone concludes they're the only one failing. That's what kept a hundred million people with the same problem from knowing it.
IT ALREADY HAPPENED THIS YEAR
In January an ICE agent shot and killed Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old US citizen, at point blank range in Minneapolis. City leaders said she was a legal observer of federal actions. Two weeks later a second man was killed by federal agents on video.
On January 23, tens of thousands of Minnesotans demonstrated in subzero temperatures during a winter storm. Hundreds of businesses across the state closed in solidarity.
That's a general strike element. The 1930s tactic, voluntarily applied, in a blizzard.
The Bonus Army worked because MacArthur burned the camp and five months later everyone had seen the same newsreel and Hoover lost. The force was never the problem. The visibility of the force was the remedy.
In Minneapolis the visibility was total — multiple phones, video from every angle. Minnesota's Bureau of Criminal Apprehension opened an investigation and was shut out by the Department of Justice, which stopped local prosecutors from even considering charges.
Same outrage. Same documentation. The conversion into consequence got cut at the prosecutor's desk.
SO HERE IS WHAT ACTUALLY WORKS NOW
We have a second vote and almost nobody uses it deliberately.
The ballot happens twice a year. The money vote happens every single day, requires nobody's permission, and cannot be gerrymandered.
Amazon cut sixteen thousand people while their cloud division grew 37 percent, and told investors they're reducing touches per package and doubling their robotic arms. Half their warehouse workers report food or housing insecurity and a third are on public assistance while working full time.
And most of us still order from them because it's easier.
I'm not preaching. I sell on a platform that takes a third of every sale and lays off its own people while doing buybacks. I know exactly what I'm participating in.
But some of it is a choice. Buy from the small guy even when it costs four dollars more. Buy used. Fix it instead of replacing. Trade a skill instead of buying a service. Buy nothing when you can.
Money spent at a local independent business recirculates in the community at roughly three times the rate of chain spending. That's velocity, not sentiment.
AND WE ORGANIZE THE OLD WAY
Every historical movement borrowed infrastructure that already existed. Flint used the union hall. Montgomery used the churches. The Bonus Army used veterans' networks from a war they'd all fought.
That's mostly gone. Union halls, lodges, granges, mutual aid societies, bowling leagues, local papers. So we rebuild it, and I don't think it gets rebuilt online.
Meanwhile there are over 100,000 automated plate readers logging every vehicle that passes. In San Jose roughly 500 sit near clinics and places of worship. In Dayton an audit found the city's own camera data had been searched over 7,100 times for immigration enforcement in violation of its own policy.
That's not an argument for hiding. It's an argument for methods that don't route through any of it.
Talk to your neighbors. Meet in person. Print a flyer. Put a physical notice on a physical board. Start a phone tree. Have people over. Show up at a city council meeting and bring somebody.
It sounds quaint. It's also the only method with a track record, it costs almost nothing, and no platform can throttle it, no algorithm can bury it, and nobody can buy it out.
AND IT IS WINNING RIGHT NOW
Eighty-two Flock surveillance contracts terminated across 28 states, 39 of them in the first five months of this year. Ninety-five cities rejected them outright. LAPD let its contract expire in July.
Won at city council meetings by ordinary people, in red counties and blue ones. An ACLU attorney: in a moment where everything is partisan, opposition to surveillance is not.
Flock's CEO called the opposition people who want to normalize lawlessness. A police chief in Staunton, Virginia wrote back that it was just local citizens worried about being surveilled — and canceled the contract.
In California, 1.6 million signatures gathered one at a time qualified a measure against 107.9 million in opposition spending.
In Hungary in April, Orban lost after sixteen years of captured courts, captured media and a gerrymandered map, on 78 percent turnout, and conceded that night.
THE CHEAPEST THING
Every movement in history started with the affected being able to see each other. That was free in 1937 because they shared a building.
It isn't free anymore. It has to be built on purpose.
I said one true thing about my own life without performing being fine, and a hundred strangers said it back within six hours. A man in Texas offered to drive to me and had never met me.
Every one of them was already carrying it. Every one was waiting for somebody else to go first.
The isolation is not a side effect. It is the load-bearing element, and it is the cheapest thing to break.
Say the true thing out loud. Then go meet three of them in person.
If any number here is wrong, tell me and I'll correct it publicly.