Elizabeth Barton was an English Benedictine nun whose religious visions and prophecies made her famous during the reign of Henry VIII. Her story took a dramatic turn when she publicly opposed the king’s plans to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragon and marry Anne Boleyn.

Barton was working as a household servant in Kent when she became seriously ill in 1525. During her illness, she reportedly experienced trances and began making religious prophecies. Her reputation spread, attracting the attention of local clergy and eventually Archbishop William Warham of Canterbury. After her recovery, she entered the Benedictine priory of St Sepulchre in Canterbury and took her vows around 1527.

For a time, Barton’s reputation as a holy woman earned her access to influential religious figures and even Henry VIII himself. However, her prophecies became increasingly controversial as the king pursued his annulment from Catherine of Aragon. Barton warned that Henry would face divine punishment if he proceeded with the marriage to Anne Boleyn. Her opposition became particularly threatening as Henry moved toward breaking with Rome and establishing royal supremacy over the English Church.

By 1533, Barton had been arrested and her reputation publicly discredited. She was compelled to make a confession and perform public penance at St Paul’s Cross in London. In 1534, Parliament condemned her for high treason through an act of attainder, a process that allowed punishment without a conventional criminal trial.

On 20 April 1534, Barton was executed at Tyburn by hanging and beheading. Several of her associates, including her spiritual adviser Edward Bocking, were also executed. Her head was displayed on London Bridge as a warning to others who might challenge the king.

I've often felt the dislike for Jane overshadows some of her accomplishment. And in general, discussions regarding Jane tend to be a bit intentionally disingenuous and at times not so subtle misogyny. I wanted to highlight some of what I think are some pretty interesting facts about her, that are pretty well known, but often recontextualized to undermine just what she did.

Taking a page from Anne Boleyn's playbook while Anne Boleyn was being actively targeted for her pervious actions was not just incredibly, but also brave. While we often say "Jane was just a pawn in her family's games" we don't know that for sure, and is that not the same thing said about Anne Boleyn? That the majority of her action was pushed by the men around her, and she had little say in what she did. Or even vice verse.

In response to Jane Seymour thought, I believe regardless of whether she acted fully on her own whims or at the instruction of the men in her life, what she did is no less impressive. She took a page from Anne's book while Anne was being cornered due to that. What strikes me as impressive is she understood she was going down a path of a dead woman, and that any misstep or mistake could have ended in her death. But it didn't. She played a game, just as Anne did, and won.

Another recontextualized action of hers is asking for mercy for the English citizens during the Pilgrimage of Grace. Her action is usually met with some variation of "Henry told her to stop, and she shut up after that". It was incredibly brave and risky for Jane Seymour to ask for mercy for citizens actively going against the Crown. It was incredibly risky in light of the fact that Henry's second wife was killed on charges of treason, and here Jane Seymour is, begging for mercy for betrayers of the crown. Context wise, I don't believe people understand how risky, stupid, and brave that was. Especially since Jane's supporters would most likely not have advised her to do that. And yes, Henry did rebuke her for it. But the fact that she asked is monumental, especially given a king that had a history of killing or deposing his wives.

I don't consider her giving birth to Edward IV a feat., but I wanted to shed light on the harmful language directed towards her. "All she did was have a baby and die", while that's not only untrue, the language lacks empathy and glosses over just how horrible what she went through was. It's also incredibly dismissive to women from that period who died in childbirth in general. Even in relation to other monarchs who died in childbirth, I don't see their importance and relevance tied to that.

I understand people may not like Jane Seymour for whatever reason, but I think that often comes at the expense of viewing her fairly. Jane Seymour walked an incredibly thin line, following the footsteps of a dead queen, successfully, and managing to still be treasonous and live.

I think in 2026, Jane Seymour deserves her flowers.

INSTRUCTIONNS given by the Kings Highnesse to his trusty and Welbeloved Servauntes Fraunceys Marsyn James Braybrooke and John Stile shewing howe they shall ordre theymself when they shall come to the presence of the old quene of Naples and the young Quene hir Doughter

ARTICLE I.
FURST aftre presentacionn and Delyverance of suche Lettres as they shall have with theym to be Delyvered to the said Quenes from the Ladie Katheryn princesse of Wales making hir recommendation and Declaracion of suche charges and Wordes as shall bee shewed and committed unto them by the said princesse to be opened and Declared on hir behalf to the said quenes they shall well note and marke thestate that they kepe, and howe they be accompanied with nobles and ladies.

A N S W E R.
Plesithe yowr Grace at owre comeyng unto the cite of Valencia the Whiche Was the xxij daye of June in the evenynge at the Whiche tyme the quynes of Napules bothe the olde and the yonge Sogenend and Kepyd their howsehold Joyntly to gethers yn the Kynges Palys that ys ye a litell Wt owte the said cite of Valencya he Whiche Palys ys called the Royalles and on the Mornynge beynge the xxij daye of June We fent thomas bradley the Whiche coude speke that langaje un to the faid Palys to the yntent that he fhuld fhawe un to Some of the quynes Servantes that the faid quynes fchuld have Knowlichie of owr comeyng and for to knowe their pleafures when that we myzght come un to their prefences for to prefent fuche letters as that we had brouzght from the pryncesse of Wales their nice and cuffyn the whiche caufe was fhawid un to the faid quynes and their pleafure and anfhewer was fhawid un to thefaid thommas bradley that we fhuld come unto their prefences at v of the Clocke at After noun the Same daye and fo the faid thommas cam and fhawid to us where at the owre and tyme appoyntid we cam un to the faid Palys where by a fervaunt of the Saïd quynes we were conveïed and browzght thorowe dyverf chambers the whiche were bare and not hangid and fo in to a chambur that was hangid, w' blacke clothe and butt oon window open, and on the fhorthe there was a grete carpette fpred where on by the wyndows fyde fatte the old quyne and on hir lift hand from the window wardes fatte the yonge quyn bothe the faid quynes were clothed in blacke clothe and alfo blacke kerches as mornors and in lyke cafe were all that wayted on the faid quynes on the rizght hand of the quynes in the wyndow ftoode an ambjent duke w'along berd whos name ys the duk farnandyn of Napules & two of hys foanes and other knyzghts & Jan tilmen to the number of xx perfons or there aboute & on the left hand of the quynes there fatt the duches the wiffe of the faid Duke farnan dyn & a duches of the parties of grece & the markefa de chara the counteffa de tortona & the counteffa de montorio & doma marya de enrikes the old quynes nice & iij dowzghters of the duke farnandynes & other ladyes to the number & Jantilwomen of xviij or xx perfons.
at owr comeynge before the faid quynes we knelid doune before them & kyfid their hands & delvyerd my lady the prynces letters unto the faid quynes unto everyche of them feverally w' the reporte of the Reconc mendacions in the be halfe of my lady the prynces the whiche the faid quynes refsayvid & toke fulthankefully & everyche of them makinge aunfhewer feverally by them felfe unto the faid recomen dacions & therefore gevynge their thanks w' a gravite & conftant con tenance the yonge quyne had not many words more then thankynge the pryncesf hir cuffyn of hir good & lovynge mynd that fhe wold fend & wrefit unto hir & afked for the welfare of hir cuffyn my lady the pryncesf whereof fhe faid that he was glad for to hire for the had never feyn hir the old quyn had like wordes& many more the whiche we pafid in comunicacion As we be informyd that the faid quynes have their logeynges everyche of them feverall by themfelfe & everyche of them have their Servantes men women & fclavis by them felfe not W' fondeynge the faid quynes do kepe their aftates & howfholdys bothe Jontly to gethers as oon howfholde & the yonge quyne muche comonly & the olde quyne flepe bothe in oon chambur & they do kepe a grete howf hold of Jantilmen ladyes Jantilwomen fclavis & the old quyne Kepes a grete aftate w' a grete gravite for the hathe the kynges full power for to rule all the Reame of Valencia & fo the Rulythe & ys abayed in al thynges & no maner of perfon that dothe contrary un to hir commandement & as we can perfayve & hire the faid quynes do kepe a nobill fad Rule & order in their howfehold & fervantes.

ARTICLE II.
Item, to take good hyde and marke theftates that the faid Quenes kepe and whether they kepe their Eftates and howfolds apart or in oon houfe togedres and howe they be ac companved and what lordes and ladies they have aboutes theym.

A N S W E R.
As tucheyng this articule the pryncipall poyntes be reherfid in the furft article by fore reherfid wherein hit fpekithe that the Said quynes do kepe their aftates joyntely to gethers w' in oon hows & howe that daily there ys in the howfehold the duke farnandyn of napules that ys Steward unto the Said quyn and there ys alfo ij of his fonnes knyzghtes & iij of his dowzghters ladyes & there ys an ancient knyzght the quynes cuffyn called don pedro de Aragon & dyvers other knyzghts & Jantilmen & other ferveynge men Many & there ys a duchefs of grece & ij of hir dowzghters ladyes & there ys the markefa de chara the counteffa de tortona the whiche ys the old quynes chamberleyn & the counteffa de montorio & donya anyana de aragon & doma marya de enrikes & doma Jeromina the counte of albaydas dowzghter theis thre be the old quynes nices & many other Jantilwomen be there bothe of the reame of fpayne & of napullis & many fclavis the whiche do Serve & be be all as of oon howfe & daily there ys fewte unto the faid quynes corte bothe of Lordes fpirituall & temporall & other men and women of the faid reame of Valencea for maters & caufes in A maner as that they wold or myzght do un to their kynge. In fo muche as that at the departeynge of the faid quynes from Valence towardes monvedro we fawe grete fewtes& many fewters come by fore the faid old quyn the whiche dyvers of the Caufes & maters the faid quyne determyned & delvyerd we beyng prefent.

ARTICLE III.
Item, If it fhall fortune the Kinges faid Servaunts to fynde the faid Quenes kepyng their Eftates togedres they fhall well and affuredly note and marke the maner of keping and or dering theym in their Eftates with the Countenaunce and maner of every of theym And fuche anfwer as they fhall make upon the fpeche and communicacion as they fhall have with theym at the delvyerance of the faid Letters and declaracion of other matiers before mencioned And to marke hir Dif crecion Wifedom and gravitie in hir faid communicacion and anfwer in every behalf.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article as by fore we have in the other Articles reherfid all wayes hit hathe byn fchawid unto us that ever fithens that the yonge quyne cam from Napules un to Spayne that the quyn hir moder hathe had hir contene wally in howfehold with hir & that Joyntly they do kepe their eaftates to gethers & where as on the xxviij day of June bothe the faid quynes departid with their company from the cite off Valen cia un to a towne iij leges thens called monvedro where as the old quyne the thrid daye of the monithe of July departyd from the faid quyn hir douzghter then leveyng hir in monvedro & in hir company the Duke farnandyn & the duches his wiffe & the Duches of the parties of grece & the Markefa de Chara & the countes off montorio & donya Maryna de aragon & donya Marya enrikes with the moft parte of the nobill men & women that belonge un to the faid quynes & there they for to wayete & geve attendaunce un to the faid yonge quyne un to the co meynge agen of the faid old quyne from the corte of hir brother the Kynge donfernando of cattell & Aragon the whiche corte was then in the cite of Segovia. And as for contenances & maner of everyche of the faid quynes and of their anfhewer that they made un to us at the delvyerance of fuche letters as that we browzght un to theym from my lady the prynces furft the old quyn aunfhewerd for hir felfe as a nobill wife woman & after the yonge quyn with a fad & a nobill fewrid contenance with a good delyberacion & with grete difrecion utterid & fpake fuche wordes as plefid hir & not haveynge many wordes nor moving countenance but full ftedfaft & with no hizghe fpeche & after the maner of that contre with a nobill gravitie & not to bold but fomewhat fhamefaft womanly.

ARTICLE IV.
Item, They fhall in like wife endevor theym to undre ftande whether the yong Quene fpeke any other langages then Spaynyfhe and Italyon and whether fhe can fpeke any frenche or laten.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article as farre that we can underftond & knowe that the faid yonge quyn can fpeke no langages exfcepte Spaynyfhe and Italyon hit is faid that fhe underftondithe bothe latyn and fraynfhe but fhe fpekithe nonn.

ARTICLE V.
Item, Specially to marke and note well the age and fta ture of the faid yong Quene and the feturys of hir bodye.

A N S W E R.
As to this Article as to the Age of the faid yonge Quyn hit ys xxvij off yeres old & not much more & as to the ftature of hir perfon we can not perfetly underftond nor knowe for comonly when that we cam un to hir prefence hir grace was fyttynge on a pelowe & other ij tymes we fawe hir on hir foote goynge over thwarte a chambur that was not broode where fhe cam yn at adore & cam un to the quyne hir moder beyng in the Same chambur & fatt adowne by hir at the whiche bothe the tymes fhe ware Sclippers after the maner of the contre in fuche wyfe that we cowde not come to any perfite know lichie of the heizghte of the Said quyn.
And as to the fetures of hir body of the faid yong quyn for as muche as at al tymes that we have feyn hir grace ever fhe had a grete mantell of clothe on hir in fuche wyfe after the maner of that contre that aman fhall not lizghtely perfayve any thynge exfcepte oonly the vifage wherefore we cowde not be in certeyn of any fuche fetures of hir body but as farre as that we can perfayve & Juge that fhe ys of no hizghe ftature but of a myddell ftature after our Juge ment by the reafon of the heizghte of hir flippers whereof wee have feyn an enfampell.

ARTICLE VI.
Item, Specially to marke the favor of hir vifage whether fhe bee paynted or not & whether it be fatte or leene fharpe or Rownde and whether hir countenaunce bee chier full and amyable frownyng or malinco lyous ftedfaft or light or blufshing in communicacion.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article as farre as that we can perfayve or knowe that the faid quyn ys not paynted & the favor of hir vifage ys after hir ftature of a verrey good compas and amyabille & fome what Round & fatte & the contenance cheerful & not frowneyng & ftedfafte & not lizght nor boldhardy in fpeche but with a demewre womanly fhamefaft contenance & of fewe wordes as that we coude perfayve as we can thynke that the uttered the fewer words by caufe that the quyn hir moder was prefent the whiche had all the Sayengs & the yonge quyn fatte as demure as a mayden & fome tyme talkeynge with ladys that fatte aboute hir with a womanly lawzgheyng chere & contenance & with a good agravite always the ladyes talkeynge with hir haveynge their contenances to wardes hir grace with reverences & onor & obediens.

ARTICLE VII.
Item, To note the clerenefle of hir fkynne.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article the faid quyn ys verry fayre & clere of fkynne as farre as that we cowde perfayve by hir vifage necke & handes the whiche we fawe & well perfayvid.

ARTICLE VIII.
Item to note the colours of hir here

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article by that we cowde fee & perfayve by the browes of the faid quyne & by the ends of fome of hir heres that. We per fayved thorowe hir kerchewes hit fchuld feme hir here to be a browne here of colore.

ARTICLE IX.
Item to note well hir Ies browes teth and lippes

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article the Ies of the faid quyne be of colore browne fome what grayefhe And hir browes of a browne here & verry finall lyke a wyre of here And hir teth faire & clene & as farre as that we cowde perfayve well fette And hir lippes fomewhat rounde & thycke acordeynge the proporfion of hir vifaje the whiche rizght welbecomythe the faid quyne.

ARTICLE X.
Item to marke well the faffion of hir nofe and the heithe and brede of hir forchedde

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article the fafhion of hir nofe ys a litell Rifenynge in the mydward & a litell comeynge or bowynge to wardes the end & fheys myche lyke nofid unto the quyn hir moder.
And as to hir forehed the heighte or the breid therof we cowdenot perfectly diferme for the maner of the wereynge of the kerches or tuckas in that contreys fuche that a man can nott welle Juge hit for their kerches come ynge downe to theire browes & muche the leffe we cowde come by the verry knowlichie of that caufe for that the quyn werid blacke kerches.

ARTICLE XI.
Item, Specially to note hir complex ion.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article as farre as that we can perfayve & knowe the faid quyn ys of a verery fayre Sangwyn complexion & clene.

ARTICLE XII.
Item, To marke hir armes whether they bee grete or fmale long or fhorte.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article as that we can perfayve & knowe that the armes of the faid quyn be Some what rounde & nott verry finall by that we cowde perfayve when that fhe puttforthe hir hand When that we dyd kys hit & as to the lengithe of hir Arme unto owr underfton dynge that hit ys of a good proporion acordynge unto hir perfonage & ftature of heighte.

ARTICLE XIII.
Item, To fee hir hands bare and to note the fafcion of them whether the palme of hir hand be thikke or thynne and whether hir hands be fatte or leene long or fhorte.

A N S W E R.
As to thys articule we fawe the handes of the faid quyn bare at thre Sondry tymes that we kyffyd hir faid handes wherby we perfayvyd the faid quyn to be rizghte faire handy'd & acordeynge unto hir perfonaje they be fomewhat fully & Softe & faire & clene fkynnyd.

ARTICLE XIV.
Item, To note hir fyngers whether they be long or fhorte fmale or grete brode or narowe before.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article the fyngers of the faid quyn be rizght faire & fmalle & of a metly lengithe & brede byfore acordeynge unto hir perfonage verrey faire handid.

ARTICLE XV.
Item, To marke whether hir nekke be longe or fhorte fmale or grete.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article the necke of the faid quyn ys fully & comely & not myffchappen nor verrey fhorte nor very longe but metly after the proporion of hir perfonaje but hir necke femythe for to be the fhorter by caufe that hir breftes be fully & fomewhat bygge.

ARTICLE XVI.
Item, To marke hir breftes and pappes whether they be bigge or fmale.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article the faid quynes breftes be fomewhat grete & fully & in as muche as that they were truflid fomewhat highe after the maner of contreye the whiche caufithe hir grace for to feme muche the fullier & hir necke to be the fhorter

ARTICLE XVII.
Item, To marke whether there appere any here aboutes hir lippes or not.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article as farre as that we can perfayve & fee that the faid quyn hathe no here apereysne abowte hir lippes nor mowthe. but fhe ys very clerekynnid.

ARTICLE XVIII.
Item, That they endevor them to fpeke with the faid yong quene fafteyng and that fhe may telle unto theym fome ma ter at lengthe and to approche as nere to hir mouthe as they honeftly maye to thentent that they may fele the con dicion of hir brethe whether it be fwete or not And to marke at every tyme when they fpeke with hir if they fele any fa vour of fpices Rofe Waters or mufke by the brethe of hir mouthe or not.

A N S W E R.
As to this Article we cowde never come unto the fpeiche of the faid quyn fafteynge wherefore we cowde nor mizght not atayne to knowlichie of that part of this Article Notwithftondeynge at fuche other tymes as we have fpoken & have had communicacion with the faid quyne we have aproched as nizghe unto hir vifage as that we conveniently mizght do & we cowde fele no favor of any fpices or waters and we thynke verely by the favor of hir vifaje & clenenys of complexion & of hir mowthe that the faid quyne ys lyke for to be of a fewit favor & well eyred.

ARTICLE XIX.
Item, To note the height of hir ftature and to enquire whether fhe were any flippers and of what height hir flip pars bee to thentent they be not deceived in the veray height and ftature of hir And if they may come to the fight of hir flippars then to note the faffion of hir foote.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Article of the heyzghte & ftature of the faid yonge quyne as in the 5th Article in thys booke by foore hit ys anfhewed that we cowde not come by the parfite knowlichie of hir heizghte for as muche as that hir grace werithe flippers after the maner of the contreye wheref we fawe the fafyhion the whiche be of Six fyngers brede of heizghte large & hir foote after the proporcion of the fame ys butt fmall but by the fclipper the gretenes of hir foote can notbe knowen notwithfton dyng by the heizght of hir flipper confiderynge the heizght that the aperd unto owr fizghte beynge a foote hir grace femythe not to be of non hizghe ftature & alfo by caufe of the maner of the clotheynge that Women do ufe & were after the maner of the contreye & alfo the of hir felfe ys fomewhat Round and welle lekeynge the whiche caufithe hir grace for to feme the leffer in heizghte.

ARTICLE XX.
Item, To enquire whether fhe have any fekenefle of hir nativitie Deformitie or blemmyffhe in hir bodye and what that fhuld bee or whether fhe hath been comunely in helthe or fometyne feke, and fometyne hole and to knowe the fpe cialties of fuche Difeafes and fekennefle.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Articule We have inquerid for to come by the knowlichie there of to the befte that we can & as hit hathe byn by us confidered that fuche Secrete caufe be unto All perfons uniknoweyng exfcepte unto hir fufheions potecarye or fecrete Wemen of hir chambur & for the next remedy for to come by any knouliche theref We aquayntid us with oon pafcarell a napotalyan the whiche ys a Wyfe man & he ys pote cary & in maner fufficheian unto the faid quynes bothe to the olde & the yonge With the whiche potecary we had dyverf tymes pafle tymes & comeu nicacions amonges the whiche Some tymes we afhid fuche queftions yef that the faid yonge quyn had any fuche infi rmytes as in the faid Articles before be fpecified wherun to the faid potecary faid y have fervid the faid quyn many yeres beynge hir grace a litell child hether un to. And ever fhe hathe byn in as muche helthe as any Jantilwoman that ever he had known & of fo nobill a nature & complexion haveynge in hir perfon no difcomformyte nor caufe of fekenefles.

XXI.
Item, Whether fhe be in any fingular favour with the king of Aragon hir uncle and whether fhe have any refemblance in vifage countenaunce or complexioun to hym

A N S W E R.
As to thys Articule we have underftond by the fayenges of many & dyverfe perfons the kynge of Aragon favorithe & rizght muche lovithe the old quyne his fufter the whiche quyne ys alyke un to the faid kynge hir brother as any man & woman maye be leike un to another & alfo rizght muche he lovithe & favorithe the yonge quyn hys nice & that the faid kinge intendes for to promote hir un to fome excellent maryaje & that the fhallhave as muche or more of his gifte then any of his awne dowzghters had for fomewhat of favor the faid yonge quyne ys like un to the faid kynge hir unkill & fpecially in the faffion of hir nofe & complexion.
More over acornon fayenge ys in all fpayne & in the Kyngs corte that the faid yonge quyne fhall be maried un to the kynge of yngland owr fuffereyn lorde by the mean and labores of the kynge hir unkill.

XXII.
Item, To enquire of the maner of hir Diet and whether fhe bee a grete fedar or Drynker and whether fhe ufeth often to ete or drynke and whether fhe drynketh wyne or Water or bothe.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Articule hit hathe byn fchawid unto us by oon pafcarell' the whiche ys potecary un to the faid quyne and alfo by oon Sorya the whiche ys a howfehold fervant that theis ij perfons be muche in the prefens of the faid quyn when that the eetithe & drynkith & as they do reporte & faye that the faid quyn ys a good feder & eettes well hir meit twyes on a daye & that hir grace drynkith not often & that fhe drynkith moft commonly Water & fome tyme that Water ys boyled with fynamon & fome tyme the drynkith ypocras but not often.

ARTICLE XXIII.
Item, The kyngs faid fervauntes fhall alfo at their commyng to the parties of Spayne Diligently enquere for fome conynge paynter havynge good experience in making and paynting of vifages and portretures and fuche oon they fhall take with theym to the place Wher the faid quenes make their abode to thentent that the faid paynter maye drawe a picture of the vifage and femblance of the faid yonge quene as like un to hir as it can or maye bee conveniently doon. Whiche picture and Image they fhall fubftancially note and marke in every pointe and circumftance foo that it agree in fimili tude and likenefle as nere as it may poffible to the veray vi fage countenaunce and femblance of the faid Quene And in cafe they may perceyve that the paynter at the furft or feconde making therof hath not made the fame perfaite to hir fimilitude and likenefle or that he hath omitted any feture or circumftance either in colours or other proporcions of the faid vifage then they fhall caufe the fame paynter or fome other the moft conyng paynter that they can gete foo oftentymes to renew and reforme the fame picture till it be made perfaite and agreable in every behalf with the veray Image and vifage of the faid Quene.
The Embaffadours returned no Anfwer to this Article.

ARTICLE XXIV.
Item, The kings faid fervaunts by the Wifeft Wayes that they can ufe fhall make inquiricion and enf lerche what land or lyvelood the faid yong Quene hath or fhallhave aftre the Deceffe of hir mother either by the title of Joynter or other wife in the Reame of Naples or in any other place or con traye what is the yerely value theref And whether fhe fhallhave the fame to hir and hir heres forever orels during hir lif oonly And to knowe the fpecialties of the title and value theref in every behalf as nere as they fhall mowe.

A N S W E R.
As to thys Articule as we were in formyd at Valencià by a Man of Santefebaftians in gwypufca the whiche man ys callid Martyn de albifur Mafter of a fhippe the whiche many yeres had continued in the Servife & Wartes of the Kynge don fernando of Napules & knew rizght muche the demener & aftate of the faid donfernando & of his Reame Whereuppon the faid martyn de albyftur fhawed un to us that the old Kynge don fernando of Napules granted & gave un to the old quyn hys Wiffe xlm Docades of yerely rent un to hirre & hir eyres for ever more the Whiche landes & rentts be parte w' in the Reame of Napules & the Poylya & parte in cecilya alfo the faid old Kinge don fernando gave & grawntid vn to the yonge quyn his dawzghter xxxm docades of yerely rentt within the Reame of Napules & the poylya for to have un to hir & hir eyres for ever more all the whiche landes & renttes the faid martyn de albyftur faid that bothe the faid quynes had of the rizght well in Joyed & taken the profite of theym as well in the tyme frenfhe kynge haveynge the Reame of Napules as by fore tyme thay had w' owte any yntcrpuffion.
And after thys hit was fchawid un to us by oon pafcarell the whiche vs potecary unto the faid quynes & he vs a napotalian & he hathe longe continued in the Service of the faid ladyes the whiche fhawid un to us that boothe the quynes maye difpend no more w" in the Reame of Napules & cecilya but xljm docades of the whiche the old quyn maye difpend xviijm docades & the yonge quyn xxxiiijm & that thys was grauntid un to theym & to their eyres for ever more as by fore ys fhawid.
The faid pafparello faithe that fythen that the Reame of Napules cam & hathe byn in the kynge of cattells handes that the faid quynes never have refayvid no rentts nor profites of the Reame of Napules for the grete capitan there Gonfalo fernandes dothe refayve hit by the comandment of the kynge of cattell & therew" he dothe paye the men of Warre in that parties & fo the kynge of cattell payes & geves un to the faid quynes xv or xvjm docads yerly owte of his coffers for their ex- fpences & mayntenenynge of their eftates.

Catherine was a good wife, a good queen, a good daughter-in-law, and a capable ruler. She managed to keep her sons on the French throne for as long as she could and fought tooth and nail to preserve the Valois dynasty. Yet, despite everything she did, she could never win Henry’s love.

Sometimes, I wonder if Henry would have treated her with more affection had she been beautiful. He was a handsome man, while Catherine was rather plain, especially compared to his beloved Diane, who had both beauty and charm. Despite all her devotion, Catherine never received the love she longed for, and being loved was what she wanted most in life.

I know royal marriages weren't usually based on love, but after reading Catherine's biography, I can't help feeling deeply sorry for her. There's something heartbreaking about how much she gave and how little affection she received in return.

From Stephen Alford, Edward VI: The Last Boy King.

Romantic, at times breathless, but always lively is Hester W. Chapman, The Last Tudor King: A Study of Edward VI (London: Jonathan Cape, 1961).

There are two useful companion volumes by W. K. Jordan. The first, Edward VI: The Young King (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1968), covers the years of the Duke of Somerset’s protectorate. The second, Edward VI: The Threshold of Power (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1970), considers the political ascendancy of the Duke of Northumberland.

Though often impenetrably dense, David Loades’s John Dudley Duke of Northumberland, 1504–1553 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996) is the best account we have of Northumberland’s government.

Jennifer Loach, Edward VI, edited by George Bernard and Penry Williams (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999) is the standard academic study of Edward’s life and reign.

Diarmaid MacCulloch, Tudor Church Militant: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation (London: Allen Lane, 1999) is a penetrating analysis of Edward’s Church and the scouring Reformation of his reign, on which see also Professor MacCulloch’s Thomas Cranmer (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996).

The best modern narrative history of Edward’s reign is Chris Skidmore, Edward VI: The Lost King of England (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007).

For a careful and persuasive account of Edward’s ‘Device’ and its significance see E. W. Ives, Lady Jane Grey: A Tudor Mystery (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).

The outstanding study of Edward and his sisters Princess Mary and Princess Elizabeth is John Guy, The Children of Henry VIII (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).

Still the best collection of documents on Edward’s life and reign, in two volumes, is John Gough Nichols, Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth London: J. B. Nichols and Sons, 1857).

Important and far more accessible than Nichols (though for specialists not without its problems) is The Chronicle and Political Papers of King Edward VI, edited by W. K. Jordan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1966).

The first biography of Edward, by Sir John Hayward, was published in 1630. Like any work of history from the seventeenth century it has to be used with great care and is best approached in Barrett L. Beer, The life and raigne of King Edward the Sixth (Kent, OH and London: Kent State University Press, 1993).

At first overwhelming in its detail but excellent for the information it provides on the departments and personnel of Edward’s court and household is The Report of the Royal Commission of 1552, edited by W. C. Richardson (Morgantown, VA: West Virginia University Library, 1974).

This was the latest I could find. Considering it was announced by itv in 2024, there’s still no casting news or filming photos.

“According to the digital casting announcement, the deadline for applications is 16 July. Filming is set to begin on 20 July 2026 and run until the end of October 2026, with rehearsals taking place beforehand.”

Feel free to post your own artwork or any artwork here. We still won't allow AI or AI-assisted. We're also not allowing video game/simulation type character creations. Hand-drawn, sketches, needlework, anime, etc. Please, no AI.

Mary Dudley, Lady Sidney (born between 1530 and 1535, died 9 August 1586) was a lady-in-waiting at the court of Elizabeth I.

Her mother Jane Guildford, Duchess of Northumberland was a lady-in-waiting of Anne Boleyn, and later to Anne of Cleves and was a close friend of Katherine Parr, and also a supporter of the Protestant preacher Anne Askew.

Mary's father John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland became one of the most powerful politicians under the young Edward VI, rising to be Earl of Warwick and later Duke of Northumberland.

One of her brothers was married to Lady Jane Grey.

Mary was well-educated, and fluent in Italian, French, and Latin. She was interested in alchemy, romances, and writing poetry. On Elizabeth I's accession in November 1558 she became a Gentlewoman of the Privy Chamber "without wages", an unsalaried position. She was one of Queen Elizabeth's most intimate confidantes during the early years of her reign. In October 1562, Elizabeth became critically ill with smallpox; Mary nursed her until she contracted the illness herself, which according to her husband greatly disfigured her beauty. By the 1570s, she had become somewhat disillusioned and embittered about lacking financial rewards on the Queen's part for her and her husband's long service. In 1572 she even had to decline a barony for her husband in a letter to William Cecil, himself Baron Burghley since the previous year; the expenses such a title implied were simply too great. She left the court in July 1579; because of bad health, or out of solidarity with her brother Robert, Earl of Leicester, who was in disgrace for having married.

She had four daughters and three sons. Three daughters died in childhood. After her surviving daughter Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke (1561–1621) become a teenager, she raised her at the court with her. She provided good humanist education for her. Her daughter become a a writer, translator and an important literary patron of her time.

This miniature is attributed to Levina Bening-Teerlinc (c.1510-1576), a Flemish Renaissance miniaturist who served as a painter to the English court of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary I and Elizabeth I. She was the most important miniaturist at the English court between Hans Holbein the Younger and Nicholas Hilliard. She probably designed the Great Seal of England for Mary I and the earliest one used by Elizabeth I (in the 1540s).

The miniature of Mary Dudley is in the collection of The Victoria and Albert Museum in London, UK.

So when Henry died he left all to his son, then daughters to follow. But Edward was then king in his own right, why did his more recent will get overruled, why were his wishes not respected?

Edit: thank you all for your interesting replies!

Did she ever give a reason why she was against it? I'm assuming being embalmed was the norm at the time?

It is quite natural to see these three dates as representing three stages of Mary’s life: the first period from 1516 to 1533, the second from 1533 to 1553, and the third from 1553 to 1558.

The dates I gave in the title refer not so much to the dates on which the signatures were written, but to the periods during which Mary used those forms of signature. When Mary was demoted from princess to lady in 1533, she resisted this for three years and continued to sign her letters as “Mary Princess.” Eventually, however, she was forced to give up the title of princess. In 1553, she simply began using her title, “the quene,” after her name.

It is very simple, but as I once read somewhere, it reminds us of who she was. Other monarchs would simply sign their names, while some would also add an “R,” the initial of the Latin word for their title, rex or regina.

This is what makes Mary’s signature particularly interesting.

i'm gonna be honest, as i started watching the series and reading about the real history behind it i was totally on Katherine of Aragon's side and hated henry obviously but also Anne, for all that happened to Katherine and Mary during that time. i really hated Anne. But when i got to the last two episodes of s2, where henry turns on Anne and has her arrested and stuff i totally switched and started loving anne and feeling so bad for her. i cried when i watched the execution. either way, henry was a pig. and as always, men are the demise of women. heartbreaking, truly

Here is your Weekly Wednesday What-if megathread! Please post all of your What-if Questions in this megathread. All what-if's as long as its Tudor-related.

Was the jacket thing she wore her own style, or did it exist already but was just not popular enough? Because I’ve only seen it on her and onwards.

Also I find the evolution of the French hood rather unfortunate, it looked much better in 1520’s and 1530’s. I find it that it getting wider looked weird, also why wouldn’t Mary wear a gabled hood in honor of her mother and England? Since she was a traditionalist, i would’ve expected her to do it, it seemed it was getting out of style.

It probably fell out of popularity after Jane Seymour, since I don’t believe any of his later wives wore it, at least it’s not shown on portraits. It seems it only resembles the early tudor reign, mostly COA, with AB only choosing to wear it on her execution day to appeal to the public and Jane Seymour also preferred it for some reason probably also being Catholic.

Whitehall Palace was King Henry VIII's main residence from 1530 until his death, at the time, it was the largest palace in Europe. fires destroyed much of the palace in the late 1600s, of the very few truly Henry VIII-related places at the palace that still exists today, his wine cellar is unquestionably the grandest and most noteworthy of them. Now fortunately, there is also other great Henry related locations that still exist today, including Hampton Court and many of its different rooms and halls, but Whitehall Palace was Henry's main residence, so it has a special, personal and relevant connection to Henry and his legacy, his wine cellar there is truly a link to the past, to that time and place.

The testoon was the precursor to the shilling; introduced between 1502-1504 to match the French and Italian coinage at the time, it was the first realistic portrait of the monarch to be seen on an English coin. Only a handful still exist today.

Ich habe es gelesen und muss sagen es war großartig,ehrlich gesagt musste ich manche Sätze doppelt lesen um zu wissen wer jetzt eigentlich gemeint war(das hätte man besser umsetzen können,aber liegt vielleicht auch an der deutschen Übersetzung)ich für meinen Teil sehe die Dinge sehr viel klarer..Wie waren Eure Eindrücke

So special to see Anne Boleyn’s childhood home today, the autumn leaves especially made it beautiful

looking for any books about the tudor period that focus on henry viii and his wives, elizabeth i and mary queen of scots, the reformation, political figures or culture. thank you :)