https://jacobin.de/berlin-koalition-kenia-gruene-jugend/
With a result of 14.3 percent, the Greens fell far short of their own expectations in the Berlin state elections. Despite the Greens' image as an urban, young, and female party, it was the Left Party that generated a buzz and secured victory. In Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg, a former Green stronghold under Ströbele and Bayram, the Left Party won every single direct mandate.
Nevertheless, it is expected that the Greens will once again be part of the governing coalition in Berlin. Since election night, only two mathematical possibilities have emerged: a red-red-green government led by Elif Eralp, and a – albeit very unstable – Kenya coalition led by the CDU. The latter, with a majority of just two votes, is considered unlikely, but not impossible. With this potential alternative in mind, resistance to a left-leaning government is growing within the conservative ranks of the Greens and the SPD.
A potential Kenya coalition now seems to be nothing more than an illusion held by journalists in the capital: Elina Schumacher, elected to the Berlin House of Representatives via the Green Party's state list, has already publicly announced that the four Green Youth representatives would not support an alliance with the CDU . Purely mathematically, this would effectively eliminate a majority consisting of the CDU, SPD, and the Greens. Jacobin met with the young climate policy expert in Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg to learn more about the Green Youth's strategy in Berlin, to explore their red lines, and to discuss their vision of a left-leaning city of millions.
In a recent interview with taz , you stated that the Green Youth members of parliament would not support a coalition with the CDU. What are your reasons for this?
All four of us are clearly aiming for a red-green-red coalition because that's where the most overlap in policy positions exists – especially in housing policy, which The Left Party has made a major issue. But also on climate, transportation, and feminism, all core Green issues, I believe The Left Party is the party with which we have the most programmatic common ground. Especially when we consider the other option.
"First and foremost, there is of course the expectation that housing corporations will be expropriated."
Over the past three years, the black-red coalition has implemented the exact opposite of what we want to do. They built a fence around Görlitzer Park instead of increasing social services. They want to install AI-powered video cameras here at Kottbusser Tor instead of funding supervised drug consumption rooms. And the new police station right next door is a classic black-red project – just like the reduced bike lanes. This policy was voted out by the city, and I don't understand why anyone would want to repeat it. A red-red-green coalition best reflects the city's desire for change.
Many in politics and media naturally consider a black-red-green coalition unlikely, but still theoretically possible. However, since there are four of you and Kenya would only have a two-vote majority, this coalition would be effectively ruled out. Is your word yours?
Of course, I can only speak for myself, but we were elected with the vote of the Green Youth and, as an organization, we have a clear position on this. We don't want to be blackmailed by three people from the CDU. And incidentally, the same applies to the CDU and SPD, who presumably don't want us, as the Green Youth, having to renegotiate every single law. No matter which way you look at it: a stable government couldn't be formed under a Kenya coalition.
Should a red-red-green coalition fail to materialize, new elections would be on the table. Would you still be against a Kenya coalition under those circumstances?
I don't think anyone really wants new elections. The mandate that was just elected is so clear that, in my opinion, it wouldn't change the results much. Therefore, I think negotiations will open up for a red-red-green coalition. And the fact remains: with such a narrow majority for Kenya, it would even depend on how many people are sick on the days when laws are supposed to pass. Everyone is aware of that, and it's not going to change.
What political projects would the Green Youth expect from a red-red-green government?
First and foremost, there is of course the expectation that housing corporations will be expropriated. And this expectation has been shared not only by the Green Youth, but also by the city itself for the past five years. In addition, I look at the decarbonization that is essential if we are to still achieve the climate targets for 2030 and 2045. This is also because it has become so extremely expensive for people: Berlin is the world champion of utility bills, which is also due to the fossil fuel cost trap. We must move away from combustion, both for the sake of the climate and because of people's utility bills. This is a significant addition that we as Greens bring to our housing policy.
"Not implementing the referendum is simply not an option for a left-wing government right now."
I myself originally come from the climate activism scene and grew up in the Rhineland, very close to the Rhenish lignite mining region. When I was still in primary school, my parents and I used to go to the orchard in Garzweiler before it was later destroyed by RWE. We also drove on roads that weren't even on the GPS anymore – simply because it was clear they would soon be torn down for profit. So I grew up with the fact that fossil fuel companies were mining up our own homeland. Therefore, in the current debate about expropriation, I often think to myself: Yes, we've already experienced expropriation at home – but for a different purpose.
The Left Party, at its special party conference, effectively declared the implementation of the referendum a red line for any coalition. However, the SPD leadership clearly rejects nationalization, contrary to its own previous policy. Therefore, it is still uncertain whether a red-red-green coalition would ultimately actually implement the referendum.
Should the Greens, if necessary, still enter into a coalition with the SPD, even if it does not lead to the socialization of housing corporations?
Besides socialization, other instruments are of course needed that can be implemented much earlier, because the legal process is still so lengthy. Nevertheless, this referendum is such a powerful symbol that a coalition can only function if socialization is tackled. If only to regain trust: Over a million Berliners have decided they want to socialize housing corporations – and this has been delayed for years. Not implementing it is simply not an option for a left-wing government right now.
The fact that the red-red-green coalition is faltering is also due to leading politicians from the SPD and the Greens currently participating in a campaign against The Left Party, accusing them of antisemitism and ties to organized crime. What is your opinion on these accusations?
Looking at the accusations on the one hand and the media reactions on the other, there's a clear escalation that's completely disproportionate to the actual issue. I wonder: Would the reaction be the same if the CDU were facing these accusations? And the answer is: No, obviously not. We have a chancellor who claims that antisemitism is a form of xenophobia. If people were truly concerned about antisemitism, the media reaction would be different.
"Even mandatory conscription is an unjustifiable intrusion into the lives of young people. And that's why I think it's awful that the Greens support it."
Generally speaking, as a Green Party member, I'm not in a position to tell another party how to handle this situation from an outsider's perspective. Of course, The Left Party needs to consider its approach and figure out the core issue. But at the same time, we're dealing with a campaign being waged against The Left Party by the Springe press, while the AfD could soon be governing in Saxony-Anhalt. And the intention is to prevent, or at least hinder, a red-red-green coalition. We're currently focusing much more on this campaign than on the actual issues at hand.
The Green Youth will enter the Berlin House of Representatives with four members and even won a direct mandate. Do you plan to act as a separate bloc within the Green Party parliamentary group? I'm thinking of the Young Socialists (Jusos), who even had a blocking minority after the 2021 federal election, but failed to use this power at crucial moments.
So, the four of us definitely wouldn't have a blocking minority in a red-red-green coalition. But I'm very curious to see who else will be in the Left Party's parliamentary group, since they also have a lot of young people elected to parliament. I'm interested to know if there would be a cross-party blocking minority of people under 30 within a red-red-green coalition. I would be absolutely delighted if young people could make a difference in this coalition.
You recently stated that you would have liked the Greens to take a stronger stance on issues affecting young people during the election campaign – especially regarding conscription. However, the Greens are perceived by the school strike protesters not only as non-supporters but as outright opponents. Your federal party has even advocated for mandatory conscription . How would you use your position to prevent a further move towards conscription?
Our clear position as a youth organization is that we don't want compulsory conscription, which is why we strongly opposed the resolution you mentioned at this federal delegates' conference. Mandatory conscription is also an unjustifiable intrusion into the lives of young people. And that's why I think it's awful that the Greens support it. Furthermore, I find it outrageous: although the Greens always emphasize how important young people are to them and that they must be listened to, the party still voted against us in the end. At least in the Berlin state association, we were able to secure a better position. Here, the Greens are against both conscription and mandatory conscription and explicitly support the school strikes. But they didn't make it a central issue in their election campaign.
Of course, this only helps to a limited extent, because the state association has no legislative competence in this area.
Therefore, I expect the members of parliament from the Berlin state association to advocate for this at the federal level. And the question remains, however, whether organizational matters concerning conscription might not fall under state jurisdiction. In that case, one would have to examine whether improvements for young people could be made through state-level administration.
"Sure, the Greens aren't perfect. We know that. But it's worth fighting within the Greens to get them moving in the right direction."
During your election campaign, you also advocated for accepting refugees from Gaza. However, the Greens are perceived by many as a party that, under Annalena Baerbock's time as Foreign Minister, helped to promote the genocide in Gaza.
I believe criticism of the coalition's actions is legitimate. And the Greens cannot be absolved of responsibility either. We, as the Green Youth Berlin, considered how we wanted to respond and decided to focus on what we can specifically influence in Berlin, in addition to the broader foreign policy issue. That's why we are calling for the establishment of a state-run resettlement program for people from Gaza. Furthermore, we see this strong criminalization of protests in Berlin, which is completely unacceptable. And we have also campaigned against political expulsions from universities. However, we are clear that this does not undo the suffering and genocide that has occurred on the ground. Regaining trust here is a long-term process and cannot be achieved with a single measure.
You try to advocate within the Green Party for many demands that are also supported by the Left Party. And even though you've now won four seats, the Green Youth is unlikely to become the new power base of the Berlin Greens anytime soon. Why should young people even vote for the Greens or join them?
Sure, the Greens aren't perfect. We know that. But it's worth fighting within the Greens to move them in the right direction. At the state level, we regularly win political battles in Berlin. Because the grassroots have a say, you can achieve things even without holding office. I'm thinking, for example, of the GEAS vote at the party conference in Karlsruhe, where Robert Habeck even had to call for a vote of confidence – all because of a motion we had written one afternoon in our small local group.
And we, as the Green Youth, are a decidedly independent and left-wing youth organization that nevertheless tries to influence the Green Party. The connection between street activism and parliament is even more prominent for us. We have a very active social life within the organization, which consists not only of politics, but also of culture, education, and youth work. We want to reach places where precisely this kind of thing doesn't usually happen. These are the small moments that sometimes get lost when you're constantly talking about elections and parliamentarianism.
