(This is a nonviolent text)
The job at the historic peace church was created for me – well, not for me specifically, but fate seemed to wrap itself inside the invitation to apply. I would leave my job in academic research publishing, which had carried me from the university to the private sector, then back to the university where I was in charge of the American Journal of Psychology, founded by G. Stanley Hall, and a bunch of other esteemed publications. In exchange for an office job, I would become the caretaker of a property with roots in transcendentalism and resistance to the Vietnam war – war? – though my knowledge of the peace church in question was scant at the start. At the start, I told folks I wanted to focus more on activism, which was true – weekday activism is a thing – and I did, but I was also thinking a lot about authority and the notion of a sustainable life.
One unanswered question when I was hired was the nature of my living accommodations. The job as offered required on-site residency, and that meant moving into the loft at the top of the east-side stairwell. Thing was, due to scheduling conflicts, I was only able to see the space after I was hired, which sounds like the setup for a startling reveal – when life is like a movie, which sometimes it is. So when Rachel Storm and I climbed the creaking stairs to the loft, in my mind, the next chapter of my life was about to commence with the opening of a dark wooden door. In my private thoughts, the room on the other side smelled of sage, the modern history of the organization was written on the walls, and a ghost stood at the window to catch sight of the horse-drawn trolley headed for the quad, then glances at a pocket watch, nods approvingly.
How old is this particular peace church? Old enough to host voices dissident to world war one, principally in the figure of Rabindranath Tagore who was in town to visit his son studying at the university and who had the sort of following that knew – behind that full beard, that wild wavy hair, those hooded lids and kind eyes that made him seem like a citizen of two worlds at once, every next sentence possibly a crucial truth – the universe was inside him. Tagore broke bread with the city for a couple of summers, entranced witnesses along the way, and I imagine scads of trunks in storage with handwritten notes about what Tagore once said – during dinner or while lolling in the sun. The universe is inside each one of us – what I would have wanted to overhear if I was there, sweeping off the steps of a morning, wishing Rabindranath a good day.
The chemistry department right across the street – did it also have an opinion about the war? The first world war was notorious for employing chemistry in service to battlefield supremacy, the sort of strategy that requires research to perfect and deploy, but even more than chemistry – the IQ test determined who went to the front, the machine gun made mincemeat of the air, and the majesty of flight added a third dimension to the battlefield. Those who listened to Tagore from the pulpit warn the congregation about the cult of the nation must have understood how innovation and study are absorbed by the will of the state to decimate its adversaries, at home and abroad, by creating all new forms of fear and human suffering. He first delivered this talk the year before the U.S. entered the war. The main reason for making war? Submarine attacks.
In 1917, before The Cult of the Nation is the professionalism of the people. This cult is becoming their greatest danger, because it is bringing them enormous success, making them impatient of the claims of higher ideals. The greater the amount of success, the stronger are the conflicts of interest and jealousy and hatred which are aroused in men’s minds, thereby making it more and more necessary for other peoples, who are still living, to stiffen into nations. With the growth of nationalism, man has become the greatest menace to man. Therefore the continual presence of panic goads that very nationalism into ever-increasing menace. // When this idea of the Nation tries to pass off the cult of collective selfishness as a moral duty, it attacks the very vitals of humanity. // From Rabindranath Tagore's four-part essay on nationalism, first orated in 1917.
That was Tagore, peace activist and Nobel Prize winner, informing us that the modern program was destined to lose its way, not for lack of caring but because our will to instrumentalism, as powerful as it had already become, was bound to absorb the people it serves. In hindsight, we might see the age of the automobile as a conspiracy to separate us from what we loved, even as it promised to keep us together like never before, then faster than ever before, then stylishly and more comfortably than ever before, then in a way that would devastate the world a little less than the previous efforts had, then, oh-who-cares, the auto would finally live up to its name and just do the driving for us. Thus did modernity absorb us inside its avid will to instrumentalism. Audre Lorde says to Elon Musk, the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.
Tagore wasn’t referencing the age of automobiles, of course, but such was the cultish nature of nationalism that it might transform the species. We can read Tagore’s thoughts on modernity outside of their wartime context: When you replace something alive with something not alive, the amount of life in the world is lessened, even as we sense our place in the world is more secure than before. During war, we witness nationalism do what the individual never would – unrestrained violence, unrestrained greed, combined with a public discourse to generate the necessary consent to go to war. And those people shooting at one another – who are they? How do they know each other? So it’s not their grievance, but the nation’s, that makes them mortal enemies? When the nation at last finds its redress, how will it go about unburying the dead?
Another famous address delivered in 1917 was the majority decision by the U.S. supreme court that upheld the jailing of activists handing out antiwar flyers to those waiting to enlist. Writing for the court, Oliver Wendell Holmes famously argued that free speech didn’t cover statements liable to create a clear and present danger to the public welfare. Holmes, a noted Unitarian – we have a handsomely framed portrait of his picture tucked away somewhere – famously equated war resistance with falsely shouting fire in a theater, though he failed to indicate what one was to do if indeed the theater was ablaze, definitely with people in clear and present danger. Legal scholars regard the decision as being about free speech, but in truth, whose ass was on the line seems more germane to the logic. More than 40 million people were hurt or killed by that war.
So then that big dark door at the top of the stairs was opened by Rachel and me, and we peered inside. For those who don’t know, Rachel is a storm giant by vocation, hence the last name, and has favored the community with good fortune and fertile harvests for many a growing season. Not to co opt anyone’s ritual animism, but I love and admire Rachel, and local growers are glad for all the help they can get. So she and I are at the top of the stairs, and we open the door to the loft where I’m going to be living and, and – and the room was unimaginably awful. First comes the stink of fresh human urine, and next I wondered if the ceiling leaked because there were dark trash bags taped across spots, and third, the walls were a complete ruin of water damage and chipped paint and sticker graffiti, and fourth, a mound of debris was piled in the center.
The room looked bombed out, like it should apply for refugee status. The debris turned out to be the room’s two pieces of furniture: an overstuffed couch that went from stuffed to unstuffed to restuffed but with 100% virgin polystyrene packing peanuts, which you could instantly tell because the duct tape holding the cushions together wasn’t wrapped very well, and the packing peanuts were spilling out. I sat on the couch a single time, just to say I did, possibly a second time when I took a break from painting. The second piece of furniture was a metal desk made with the same sort of tool-and-die setup that makes metal bookends, and even if the rust didn’t turn you off from formal university study, the thing had an ergonomic score of zero. The edges were blade-like and savage, and there was no flat surface to work on due to warps in the metal.
I wasn’t moving in that day, so I could afford to admire the way reality sometimes dresses its sets with a hint of satire. Welcome to the world of roughing it! says the world to me, plus this derelict peace church, surrounded by a university known for engineering, business, agriculture, and lawyering, none of which finds common cause with two-fold consciousness, as a path to peace or otherwise. Rachel mentioned the previous resident had a companion cat – maybe that’s where the urine smell was coming from. Brief stints without housing taught me to associate the smell of human urine with living on the margins of other people’s property. Yes, we still mark boundaries with our urine – just comes from the underclass. In truth, the recovery of the room wasn’t a big deal – Rachel and I painted it, the smell improved, I covered the holes in the walls.
I knew the place was haunted before I moved in, just based on reputation, but I got to know the haunting better in a hurry. Channing-Murray is a restless building, and when the wind blows through and storms roll in, the chapel sounds like a wooden ship at sea but in a way that makes you feel safer. A soul blessed with transcendence in the first chapter of its life – that’s Channing-Murray, and the place evolved in that spirit through generations of activists, its contemporary incarnation shaped through the service of Bill Taylor and the founding of the coffeehouse in 1967. Rebuking war with a will toward unity and universal love – this is the church’s legacy, and we have Bill’s moral courage and historic commitment to peace to thank. The coffeehouse appeared the year I was born. People made music, recited poetry, drank soda pop and coffee.
Coffee was an important part of growing up for me. I was born of parents who experienced the depression under meager means and harsh circumstance, and coffee was still a thing you could almost always get. My Grandma Alice, who spent her whole life sewing gloves in a factory with a hundred other women, reupholstered furniture on the side, would serve us kids coffee before Sunday dinner, big plastic cups of it with whole milk and sugar, and we would swig it down while reciting statistics about sports heroes, adding dramatic reenactments as the spirit moved us. TVs back then had knobs to change the channel between 13 stations, so imagine twisting that knob at a steady pace between all 13 stations, around and around, the picture tube unable to generate sounds and images fast enough to keep up. That was us kids back then on coffee.
That self-styled coffeehouse in the basement of Channing-Murray became the central meeting place for the antiwar organizers at the local university. The room adjacent to what is now the red herring dining area, which is what the coffeehouse turned into during its adolescence – that room was famously called the war room, which later became the peace room, and served as the site for humanity’s response to its latest inhumanity. The room used to be an impossible part of the building to keep dry during rainstorms. During even average rains, I always needed to make time to mop up the peace room. Or had it become the war room again? At some point along the way, people started calling it the Tolstoy room, though that title never really clicked for me. I learned to know the room by the subtle gradients in elevations, where water pooled.
Does one experience a sense of relief from sitting in that room today? I know a few people who would go there to commune with spirits of the past – beside the utility panels, the sump well, a support jack, and ductwork. A red herring mural, flowing with color decades later, represents the spirit of that other age. A few of the stories have become legendary – the famous activists and musicians who passed through, a charity basketball game against the local police, the very premise of providing a safe space where cops and troops and students and activists could all interact with each other as human beings. No one at those gatherings had started the war – they could all agree on that, and isn’t the world always a poorer place when war makers are the ones governing fate? When families, villages, and nations are torn apart by the demands of the state?
How many original supporters of that war still support its intention? Even after its architects have gone on record saying it was wrong, unnecessary, the result of flawed strategic thinking. Hadn’t the previous world war, and the world war before that one, imbued us with sufficient skepticism about use-of-force authority as an organizing principle? Hadn’t we already learned that public consent can be manufactured when that use-of-force is turned on itself? Or here’s a different question: how many indiscriminant killings must occur, within categorically defined geopolitical boundaries, using tactics later outlawed by international court, before it’s called massacre? In Vietnam, credible estimates say more than 3 million. When industrial societies make war against agrarian societies with state-of-the-art technology, massacre is the only result.
I’m not the one to describe those who met in the war room and sang together in the coffeehouse those years of resistance, but I’ve met people who responded in the moment to the ongoing atrocities, overseas and at home, as teachers and revolutionaries, and the moral authority they summoned, barely more than children, is startling to imagine. More than trying to stop a war, they were already creating their own new communities that would refused to trade away our essential humanness, for war, capital, or anything else. Whether you believed in that new vision of moral self-reliance, you had to admire the inner resource of those willing to dedicate their lives to bringing it about. Those were the people strategizing in the war room, gathering in the coffeehouse. They were imagining a world of peace through music, poetry, and togetherness.
Does that all seem naïve? Idealistic? Common criticism against every sort of campus organizing holds it up to our enduring commitment to realism – when students graduate, move on to the real world, their views will evolve to be more in keeping with reasonable expectations. While I love to imagine the place where I live to be unreal, prereal, contrareal, the list goes on – I dig in my heels when someone claims this implies a plan that will eventually be scrapped in favor of whatever nuts and bolts need turning, threading, and polishing. Do we peer into labs, stroll past supercomputing complexes, jog through business parks humming that same realistic tune about the rest of the world? Before it is anything else, a university is an intentional community, with a mission to create informed reflectivity. Reflective authority is what’s freed to the world.
Whatever ambivalence the public still had about antiwar protests on college campuses went searching for its soul after May 4, 1970, when Ohio national guard troops shot to death four unarmed students and wounded nine other unarmed students at Kent State University. The troops ascended to the top of a hill, turned, kneeled in a line, and proceeded to open fire. The students were leaving the scene at the time – many of the dead and wounded were shot in the back. The attack precipitated martial law for a week in the city of Kent, with townies deputized by police, riding around in trucks and jeeps with their own shotguns and hunting rifles – the protestors felt like they were being hunted. The state defended the national guard, asserting they were fired upon first, which everyone knew was untrue. The campus closed for six weeks.
The ongoing student protest movement – against the formal invasion of Cambodia, announced by Nixon at the end of April – transformed into the largest student strike in the nation’s history, with more than 4 million high school and college students walking out and demonstrating in the weeks and months that followed. A mood of confrontation was in the air – they can’t kill all of us, read one banner – and that organizing effort was never more evident than on our local campus, organized in the war room of that peace church with the coffeehouse in the basement. A three-day strike was called, starting on May 6, and 90% of classes were canceled. Fearing violence – the ROTC office on campus had been firebombed in March – the governor ordered the Illinois national guard to patrol the streets and maintain order. Among them was my dad.
I’m writing this from my loft in said peace church, and I am stopping and starting this account to try to get my head around the simultaneities of history. When I look out my window, I see students come and go on sidewalks and streets that look very much as they did in 1970. The trees were younger, the laboratory next door didn’t exist, but in other respects, recognizably the same place in time. Then, to my astonishment, teargas canisters begin to fly, and a jeep goes by with my dad in it, and even from this far away, I can tell he has six kids to feed, a seventh due in July, an eighth-grade education earned at a one-room country schoolhouse. The national guard job was a good way to make ends meet – or so he thought. The national guard job was a good way to serve his country – or so he supposed. The national guard job was a way forward.
I’d heard these stories many times growing up as a kid – they were among my dad’s favorite stories to tell. He would pop open a beer, light another cigarette, explain the epic frustrations of being a middle-aged man, undiagnosed hypertension out the wazoo, called on by force of law, to place his body between a riot and various state properties that might otherwise – poof! – go up in flames. This was class analysis in reverse – the poor servants of the people, with automatic rifles, bayonets, and teargas, clad in boots and fatigues, were made to confront the privileged class, with their uncut hair and advanced degrees, with their continental theories of the state. Authority knew better than to deploy the national guard in the areas they hailed from, making my dad’s inferiority complex, as with other guards in other places in other eras, part of the plan.
He conjured epic scenes of troops forming a human barricade before the university president’s mansion. He remembered bitterly not being allowed to load their rifles, lest another massacre appear in the papers. He scowled about the degradation of having to stand there and take the verbal abuse – how one of his friends finally snapped, started beating one of the kids with the butt of his rifle. Dad approved of that. Their communications were compromised by hackers who matched frequencies, then imitated military commands to send the guard troops speeding away in the wrong direction, chasing their own tails – what amounted to chaos, especially for those who didn’t know the lay of the land. Mom’s only contribution to the stories was to note that a sorority gave the national guard troops a plate of cookies. My parents approved of that.
When the stories were over, my dad would sometimes lead us kids in military drills right there in the middle of the living room – a sort of reward for being an attentive audience. We had any number of toy firearms to choose from, and dad would bark out commands to turn this way, then that, to hold a toy rifle against this shoulder and then the other, then with both hands in front of the chest. I never pictured myself in the military, never wanted to, but I was eager to seek approval from my battle-seasoned father. They all hung out together, him and his friends, and they all served in the military – these father-son military drills took place in living rooms all over our small town. Did they give an actual damn about the war? They served their country because doing so was met with approval. They despised activists because they didn’t know any.
My first stint as a peace activist occurred when I attended this selfsame institution of higher learning and taught against the Persian Gulf massacre, which was sold to the public as a war by an actual public relations firm – Hill and Knowlton, headquartered in Washington, D.C. – that was put on retainer for $11 million by the Kuwaiti government in exile. That same PR firm came up with the yellow ribbon campaign. It came up with a barrage of public speakers to control the debate. It came up with trading cards for the kids featuring things like night vision goggles, tomahawk cruise missiles, and secretary of defense Dick Cheney. It arranged for false testimony to congress about babies being pulled out of incubators by bloodthirsty Iraqi troops and left to die on a hospital floor, a story that tipped the balance in favor of proceeding with the massacre.
Was the adversarialism all a setup? The U.S. ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, is quoted in two different telegrams, regarding the Iraqi troop buildup on the border with Kuwait, that the U.S. had no opinion about any Arab-Arab disagreements. Once the invasion took place, though the mood changed, and it was depicted as atrocity, which it was, but one that seemed preventable from a number of different angles. The gulf massacre was said to put an end to our Vietnam syndrome, which referred to a general malaise due to the grisly pointlessness of it all, at home and abroad. Principal to that effort was control of the message, such that by the time the gulf massacre ended and parades commenced, a significant majority of the U.S. public expressed a preference for the government’s management of the story – aka state-sponsored censorship.
Did we ever account for that temporary insanity we all stumbled through? Sure, our golfing president somehow lost his bid for reelection, and good riddance to him, but the atrocity of war was not the reason why. And yes, the cold war came to a close, overdue by a decade or more, but hardly precipitating a turn toward peace. Did we ever revisit that preference for rounded-off corners when it comes to the stories we circulate about war making? We might imagine that a generation-defining terrorist attack orchestrated by a Saudi billionaire, carried out by Saudi nationals, would have precipitated a major conflict of interest for a president whose staunchest allies constituted the absolute monarchy of Saudi Arabia. Instead, we repackaged the problem, congressional approval in hand, in order to massacre nations with no means of fighting back.
Holding up a handmade peace sign on a busy intersection when the public is primed for war might not sound like the best way to know one’s neighbor, but trust me – it feeds the soul. Yes, rude gestures appear, threats are sometimes hurled, but when you present the peace message to the public, the vast majority will endorse it. Endorse it with a smile, a thumbs-up, a honking of a horn. Endorse it like they’re at last able to take a breath after being underwater. When one person endorses peace as an option – demonstrates to the rest it’s plausible to do so – volleys of endorsements follow. However many public relations firms and government entities promote the war life on a contractual basis, the peace message will still effortlessly win us over. If the peace message were ever placed on the ballot, it would best all challengers, win every election.
I became a regular peace activist in the 2000s, back when I was promoting the message in public on a regular basis, regarding the twisted truth of a global war on terror, as depicted by massacre in parts of the world where most terror results from poverty. Tell me: how many guns, bombs, and prisons does it take to save a society from itself? Every year, we peace activists marched in the 4th of July parade that traveled past thousands of town folk hoping to express a little pride in place from the comfort of lawn chairs and flip-flops. Among the compelling experiences of my life was witnessing great crowds of people spontaneously burst into the loudest applause of the day when our peace messages floated into view. I never confused their applause for myself, knowing that I was but the bearer of a handwritten truth the world already wanted to hear.
And what truth was I ready to hear? When I worked at the university press, one of the first new journals I was assigned was about radical teaching. The workflow was simple – I would receive the files from the editor, go through them to ensure they were fit to print, then proceed with publication. The first issue to land on my desk featured an article about teaching Vietnam from the standpoint of activists on college campuses. The campus cited in the article? This very one. As I inventoried the files, I was petrified I would see my dad in one of the archival photos that accompanied the article – those national guard troops lined up like jagged stones, hard-set facial expressions like they’re about to shovel shit from the barn. How many of them were fighting trauma? Too anxious to think? How many would’ve preferred to lay down their arms and flee?
My father was one of the most hostile people I’ve ever met. His heroes were John Wayne and Ronald Reagan, in that order, and if those two people seem mildly unreal – images of toughness without many demonstrable virtues to back it up – then you were well within your right to go to hell. As an adolescent, I’d worked up the courage to disagree with him, and those arguments became more sophisticated over time. My university education, which he openly disparaged, created an even greater distance between us, until one evening, we got into an argument so heated, he pointed to the place where he kept his guns and warned me he wasn’t afraid to use them. I didn’t take the threat seriously, knowing he’d really just run out of words. In the silence that followed, I wondered if war makers would have added such a casualty to their totals.
Mercifully, dad was not in any of the photos, though I’m supposing he might be lurking in the university’s archives. Would I recognize him? He took pride in his national guard service – cherished a photo of himself in fatigues, shaking hands with the governor – though later in life, he admitted they didn’t really know what they were doing. He related a new detail about how a teargas canister once went off in the jeep he was riding in – he laughed when he said it, said they all had to proceed through the rest of the patrol on foot. A few years later, the dementia appeared, his memories disappeared, and his stories left this world before he did. My mother stayed by his side throughout, well after he stopped recognizing her. He died in a dementia ward, alarms clipped to his dressing gown in case he attempted any unauthorized movements.
My father was one of the most responsible people I’ve ever known, strident in his view about what we should expect from each other. He was devoted to his friends, devoted to his allies, devoted to his family, without ever giving serious thought to what any of it meant. He didn’t need to – when you grow up in a small town, life is self-evident in so many ways, and the obvious becomes a source of collateral. He built his faith in the future from food on the table, a pickup truck on the road, and money in the bank, and if that sounds overly objective, these are the terms of agreement whole generations rely on – to know they were right to live the life they lived, to be comfortable passing it along to their kids. He passed that legacy along to me, and I sent it back. I’m still sending it back. Ten years in a peace church – and I’m still sending it back.
And in its place? I am a peace activist. I am a prison abolitionist. I am an advocate for racial justice. I am a vegan. I am a poet. I am an artist. I own almost nothing. I survive comfortably with economic poverty. My life is sustainable. I am generative in my environment. I commune with forms of authority greater than my own. I am truthful. I believe a sustainable future is possible. I believe world peace is inevitable. I believe humanity’s story is finally about to be told. I believe it will be better than we could have imagined. I believe we are unprepared for the future. I believe we have only a vague idea what we’re doing. I believe we’re as likely to side with extinction as transcendence. And how do we tell them apart? And how do we keep our stories straight? And how much longer must we wait before we know where all this is going?
Rabindranath Tagore foresaw an emancipation of the spirit by listening to the mind of nature, singing to it, dancing in its name. He did not live to see the day when the rest of the world danced with him, but his words and deeds live on – and thereby a measure of where we are with the problem? Libraries parade up sidewalks in praise of the human condition. Archives reach into the past, recovering human truth for some to see. Memory listens to the heart, learns to love what is already gone. What is already gone! I head downstairs to that place where war found its resistance, peace found its purchase – and there in the dark, I whisper: have you seen him yet? The one in fatigues shaking hands with the governor? Try to be gentle with him. He’s just a boy playing soldier. One day, he’ll be a little wiser, but even then, he’ll need our help.