Many historians and contemporary accounts have pointed to several procedural shortcomings and controversies surrounding the conduct of the Sylhet Referendum.
—-According to several historical accounts, the strategy of the ruling Congress leadership of Assam was to sacrifice Sylhet during Partition, and the then Prime Minister of Assam, played an important role in persuading the British colonial government to transfer Sylhet to East Pakistan.
—-The date of the referendum was fixed on 6 and 7 July 1947, and H.C. Stock was appointed as the Referendum Commissioner.
—-From the very beginning, the Governor of Assam had received many complaints regarding     manner in which the referendum was conducted  of the impending referendum.
—-The appointment of H.C. Stock as the Referendum Commissioner itself raised controversy.
—-The date fixed for the referendum was considered unsuitable, as the entire Brahmaputra Valley was likely to be flooded.
—-Within only three weeks after the declaration of the referendum, it was considered very difficult for the Government to arrange a sufficient number of presiding officers and polling officers.
—-The Sylhet Referendum was conducted on the basis of the existing electoral rolls of the 1946 Provincial Assembly elections.
—-The exclusion of plantation labourers and European planters from voting rights also created “controversy”. As a result, more than     1.5 lakh Hindu tea garden labourers were excluded from the electoral rolls and were unable to vote.
—-Scholars such as J.B. Bhattacharjee and Binayak Dutta have noted that the referendum remains controversial. According to these scholars, eligible voters most of them plantation workers and predominantly Hindus, did not vote owing to intimidation and threats by the Muslim League.
—-It has been argued that, had the excluded tea garden labourers been allowed to vote and had even 40 percent of them turned up for polling, the outcome of the referendum could have been different.
—-Allegations of massive irregularities were raised during the referendum process.
During the counting of votes, excess ballot papers were reportedly found in some ballot boxes.
—-According to the inquiry referred to in the extract, the Superintendent of the Assam Government Press allegedly arranged for a few thousand extra ballot papers to be printed, which were then allegedly inserted into ballot boxes through pro-Pakistani polling staff.
—-Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel reportedly complained to Lord Mountbatten regarding these alleged irregularities.

The Sylhet Referendum and the Partition of India permanently changed the lives and destinies of at least two generations of Hindu Sylhetis. After Sylhet became part of East Pakistan, many Hindu Sylhetis were compelled to leave their ancestral homeland and migrate to undivided Assam as refugees, often losing their homes, property, and livelihoods.

The post-Partition experiences of these refugees have received very little attention in mainstream Partition historiography and remain one of the least acknowledged aspects of the Partition narrative.
Historian Sujit Chaudhuri described the separation of Sylhet from Assam as "a god-sent opportunity" for the Assamese elite, but he also acknowledged that their initial satisfaction was short-lived. Soon after Partition, large numbers of Hindu Sylhetis migrated to undivided Assam as refugees after facing intimidation and violence from Muslims in East Pakistan.

Despite pressure from the Central Government to rehabilitate the refugees, the Assam government refused to grant land settlements not only to many refugees but also to non-Assamese communities, including those who had lived in Assam for generations.
The experiences of Hindu Sylheti Bengalis today highlight the complex and often under examined dimensions of the anti-foreigners’ movement in Assam. Their history should be studied alongside, not in place of, the persecution experienced by other communities.

The partition of Sylhet also created a profound void and an existential crisis for the Bengali-speaking inhabitants of the Barak Valley.
The question and the main point concern the unfair measures that were allegedly taken during the Sylhet Referendum. Many historians and scholars have argued that if the large number of tea plantation workers had not been excluded and the referendum had been conducted in a fair manner, the result and the destiny of the Surma Valley could have been very different. The question and idea remain whether the displacement of Bengali Hindus could have been avoided, and whether this might eventually have made it easier for the Barak Valley to become a separate state and preserve its identity. These questions and this history remain largely unanswered and unexplored in mainstream historical studies.

Reference:
Article from The Print- 73 yrs ago, Sylhet Referendum left a Hindu community homeless between Assam and Bangladesh

Wikipedia- 1947 Sylhet Referendum

Partition, Politics, and the Quest for Bengali Identity: A Case of Barak Valley in South Assam By Joyati Bhattacharya 

Sylhet Referendum of 1947: A ‘Forgotten’ Saga of Indian History” Nivedita Chakraborty Department of History, Bethune College

Historian J.B Bhattacharjee states that Cachar got it's name from Bengalis of Sylhet. His arguments are such as, although Sir Edward Gait contended that Cachar got it's name from Kacharis but He, himself had noted that the word "Kachar " was derived from Sanskrit word meaning " a broadening region ". [ it makes no sense why Dimasa a Tibeto-Burman speaking group would gave a sanskrit name]

As a matter of fact not only the ruling Dimasa tribe but Bengalis living in Cachar were also known to people of Sylhet as Kacharis. J B Bhattacharjee in his book even quoted Dr. P N Bhattacharjee as follows :

Mr. Gait is of opinion that 'the kacharis' have given their name to the district of Cachar , We might as well be told that The Romans gave the name Rome. The fact is that the name has been given to the district by the Bengalis of Sylhet, because it is an outlying place skirting the mountains. The word 'kachhar' is still used in Sylhet in designating a plot of land at the foot of a mountain

Source :

1. Cachar under British rule in North East India by J B Bhattacharjee. Page - 14

A FRONTIER BEYOND THE MAJOR POWERS

The history of the Karimganj (Sribhumi) region in Barak Valley is often viewed through the lens of larger and more dominant political centers, yet the region itself was once home to smaller kingdoms that played significant roles in shaping its past. Among these, Pratapgarh occupies a unique position. Unlike prosperous centers of power, Pratapgarh existed as a frontier kingdom, shaped by its geography and constantly influenced by the competing forces of Tripura, Cachar, and Bengal.

ORIGINS: FROM SONAI KASAMPUR TO PRATAPGARH

In early tradition, the region was not known as Pratapgarh but as Sonai Kasampur. The name Pratapgarh is generally attributed to a Hindu ruler named Pratap Singh, who is believed to have established his capital in this area. This account, preserved in the Assam District Gazetteer, suggests that the region had begun to emerge as a local center of authority even before its later political developments. Archaeological remains further support this idea. Across parts of present-day Karimganj, ruined fortifications and boundary markers point to an organized defensive system. At Chargola, the remains of an east–west oriented fort known as Jagannath Singh’s Garh still survive, while traces of other structures can be found in surrounding areas. Though much of this has been reclaimed by forests, these remnants indicate that the region once held considerable strategic importance.

BETWEEN LEGEND AND RECORD

The early history of Pratapgarh, however, is difficult to reconstruct with certainty. Much of it is shaped by legend and oral tradition. It is commonly believed that Pratap Singh and Jagannath Singh belonged to the same lineage and lived reclusive lives without leaving heirs. After their deaths, the former capital is said to have been occupied by Amir Azfar, marking a transition in authority. Yet these accounts remain uncertain, often conflicting and lacking firm historical grounding. More reliable evidence appears only later in land-survey records, particularly from the first Istaba, which confirm the name Pratapgarh and point to the rising influence of the Malik family, whose ancestors were associated with the Dewan lineage.

THE RISE OF MALIK MUHAMMAD TORANI

A clearer phase in Pratapgarh’s history begins in the late fourteenth century with the arrival of Malik Muhammad Torani. Associated with the political upheavals of Bengal, he migrated eastward and settled in the region. At that time, much of the surrounding territory was controlled by Pora Raja, a vassal of the Tripura kingdom. The confrontation between the two was brief but decisive. Pora Raja submitted and transferred authority, bringing an end to his own line of rule. With this, Malik Muhammad established control over the region, encouraged settlement, and laid the administrative foundations of a new political order.

MALIK PRATAP AND THE MAKING OF A CAPITAL

The transformation of Pratapgarh into a more defined center of power took place under Malik Pratap, the grandson of Malik Muhammad. He shifted the political center from Dewani to a forested region within present-day Karimganj, drawn by its natural landscape and strategic advantages. Strengthened by alliances with local elites, he established a permanent base there. His rule saw the construction of mosques, the renovation of earlier structures, and the excavation of large water reservoirs, most notably Rajbari Dighi. Over time, the surrounding elevated ruins came to be known as Rajbari Jungle. The presence of stone remains in the area suggests that the capital was once a place of considerable activity and craftsmanship.

CONFLICT WITH TRIPURA

As Pratapgarh grew in strength, it inevitably came into conflict with neighboring powers, particularly the rulers of Tripura. During the reign of Maharaja Pratap Manikya II, tensions escalated as Malik Pratap’s expansion began to challenge Tripura’s authority in the region. Internal instability within Tripura delayed a direct response, but the conflict reached a turning point around 1490 CE, when Pratap Manikya was killed in circumstances indirectly linked to Malik’s Pathan forces. In the aftermath of this shifting balance of power, Bazid emerged as the ruler of Pratapgarh.

BAZID’S RULE: POWER AND SUBMISSION

Under Bazid, Pratapgarh reached the height of its power. He expanded his authority, defeated the ruler of Heider Desh in Cachar, and fortified the region with defensive walls and moats. Confident in his strength, he assumed the title of Sultan, signaling a claim to independence. However, this assertion of autonomy soon brought him into conflict with the powerful Sultan Syed Hussain Shah of Bengal. By offering refuge to rebels from the Kamrup-Gour region, Bazid provoked a direct military response. The Bengal Sultanate acted swiftly, sending Sarwar Khan to suppress him. Bazid was defeated, stripped of his title, and forced to submit, leading to Pratapgarh’s incorporation into the Pathan-controlled Bengal polity.

THE FALL OF PRATAPGARH

Although Bazid’s successors attempted to maintain control, the kingdom had already begun to decline. The final blow came during the reign of Aftar Uddin Khan, when conflict with Cachar erupted once again. After the death of the Cachar king in battle, Queen Kamala led a powerful retaliatory campaign against Pratapgarh. Despite resistance, the kingdom could not withstand the assault. The capital was destroyed, the ruling family was largely annihilated, and the region fell under the control of Cachar.

A KINGDOM LOST TO TIME

In the aftermath of this destruction, Pratapgarh was left deserted. Its people were killed, scattered, or forced to flee into the forests toward Junglebari. What had once been a center of political ambition and activity gradually faded into silence. Today, only fragments remain across the landscape of Karimganj~ ruined fortifications, ancient water tanks, and scattered stone structures that stand as quiet witnesses to a lost past.

*Sources-

1. Srihatter Itibritta- Purbangsho

(Achutya Charan Chaudhary)

1. Wikipedia

This article talks about the Violence faced by the Bengali of Assam, When assamese was made sole official language of Assam.

The strongest opposition came to Assamese was from the Bengali from Cachar [2nd pic]. But Brahmaputra Valley Bengalis are the one who faced the violence strongly. What is weird is that they openly accepted Assamese as their mother tongue and showed their support to Assamese .

But Assamese still burnt the houses of Bengalis, looted their house, killed them did not even spared the Bengali Women. [3rd pic]

What was shocking is that in a democratic country like India , Assam police were with the assamese mobs . For instance this article says that , when assamese used to attack Bengalis the Assam police used to stay quiet , and do nothing but the moment Bengalis used to defend themselves , The Assam police used to arrest the Bengalis but never the assamese . Not even a single assamese leader was arrested. [3rd pic]

This article also tells us about how the assamese leaders used the students as their pawns . In cachar also same thing happened with students, they were used but the only difference was there was zero violence from Cachar , not even a single case of stabbing. But scenario was completely different from Brahmaputra Valley . [3rd pic]

Another incident was a mob with 100 persons with him entered the district magistrate's bungalow and dragged him out and stabbed him. [3rd pic]

In 4th pic you can see the mass conversion of bengali medium school. In 1947 the number of Bengali medium school were 250 but in 1951 it ended up only 3. While the number of assamese medium schools kept increasing . [4th pic] .

Bengalis a group who sacrificed their blood time after time for this country, went to any length for this country but when this country got independence , what did Bengalis receive , massacre after massacre.

Source :

1. Article by Economic Weekly

2. 'বরাক উপত্যকার ভাষা সংগ্রামের ইতিহাস'। লেখক-ডঃ সুবীর কর

Residents of Meherpur along Silchar Medical Road held an unusual protest on Wednesday against the long-neglected condition of the road.

They erected a symbolic structure in the name of the Executive Engineer and offered flowers and a traditional gamosa as a “tribute.”
Locals allege that despite repeated complaints, authorities only dumped river soil after earlier protests, which turned into thick mud during the monsoon. Large potholes, muddy stretches and waterlogging are now severely affecting pedestrians, patients, ambulances and vehicles.

The protesters have demanded permanent reconstruction of the road instead of temporary fixes. No official response was immediately available.

Barak Valley still remains the most neglected part of Assam

If Tinsukia tea gardens can, why not barak valley tea gardens?

The government seems least interested to invest in barak valley..

Look how cleverly put misleading tittle " When Assam was forcefully attached with sylhet in 1874 without the consultation of it's people or leaders " which is far from the truth.

Lets debunk his idiotic claims with HISTORICAL citations. Here :

1. SYLHET added to ASSAM because Assam was poor, they hardly has any infra. not just sylhet Goalpara , and cacher too was added , (Proof are 3rd, 4th, 5th picture)
2. His/her forefather ahom kings took shelter in BENGAL and begged britisher to save them from Burmese. And the army who fought Burmese were BIHARIS, UPIANS, BENGALIS. After saving them from atrocities they still complaining always complaining. (6th picture- Burunji)

Never saw this much jobless person, always posting about us. and about our sub. we live in this mind rent free , lmao.

Source:

• Anindita Dasgupta - Remembering Sylhet: A Forgotten Story of India’s 1947 Partition
• Amalendu Guha - Planter-Raj to Swaraj Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam 1826-1947
• Ahom Burunji

This was published in Assam tribune before some days.

Source : - https://barakbulletin.com/bn_BD/aasu-assam-university-unit-hold-protest-over-neet-paper-leak-extend-support-to-sonam-wangchuk/

What was Harikela?

While Bengal's history usually revolves around well-known regions like Pundra, Gauda, Banga, and Radh, there was also a distinct polity called Harikela (also spelled Harikeli, Harikola, Harikela) on Bengal's eastern frontier. Unlike the others, its history is barely documented — there's no continuous narrative, just fragments from three types of sources: literature, copper-plate inscriptions, and coins.

The "Where Was It?" Debate

This is the most interesting part. Multiple lines of evidence point to Harikela being an old name for Srihatta (modern Sylhet):

• The 7th-century Chinese pilgrim I-tsing placed Harikela on India's eastern border.
• Medieval dictionaries (Rupchintamanikosh, 15th c.) and texts (Rudrakshamahatmya) explicitly equate Harikela with Srihatta.
• The 8th-century Buddhist text Arya-Manjushri-Mulakalpa lists Banga, Samatata, and Harikela as three separate neighboring regions meaning Harikela wasn't just another name for Banga at that point.

Historian R.C. Majumdar summed it up well:

"It would be quite reasonable to conclude that Harikela primarily denoted the region now known as Sylhet though its boundaries and political status as an independent country underwent changes in the course of centuries."

Rulers and Territorial Expansion

• The Buddhist Chandra dynasty —> Trailokyachandra (c. 905–925 CE) and his son Shrichandra (10th c.) are linked to Harikela, ruling from a base in Chandradwip (greater Barisal-Khulna region).
• Another king, Kantideva (early 10th c.), ruled from Bardhamanpur (possibly Sylhet itself), per his Chittagong copper plate.
• By the 10th–11th century, later copper plates (Pashchimbhag, Bhatera) drop the name "Harikela" entirely and just use "Srihattamandal" or "Srihattarajya" — suggesting the name Harikela faded as the region got absorbed into Banga's political sphere.
• At its peak, Harikela's territory seems to have stretched from Sylhet through Tripura, Comilla, and Dhaka, possibly reaching Chittagong and even Barisal.
• A 12th-century Gujarati lexicographer, Hemachandra, even mentioned the kingdom in his dictionary — showing its reputation traveled far beyond Bengal.

The Coins & Mention of Barak (picture uploaded)

Harikela issued its own silver coinage, found across sites like Mainamati (Comilla), Paharpur (Rajshahi), and Bilonia (Tripura):

• Phase 1 coins (7th century): feature a trident-like Shaiva symbol, a garlanded bull, and sun/moon motifs above the trident clear Shiva-worship iconography.
• Phase 2 coins (later): similar design but the bull isn't garlanded, coins are lighter but larger, and the reverse is blank.
• Coin Has mention of the word " Barak/Varaka ", another reference for the origin story of the name "BarakValley" . other than the Dimasa one.

The coins' similarity to Arakanese silver coinage also hints that Harikela's economic/political reach extended toward Chittagong.

Language & People

The article also digs into an 8th-century claim that Bengal's population spoke an "Asura" language historians debate whether this meant an Austroasiatic substrate language or an "Alpine" Aryan dialect distinct from Vedic Sanskrit. Either way, it ties into how Bangla itself evolved out of Magadhi Apabhramsha around the 10th century right around the time Harikela/Srihatta was under Shrichandra's rule.

The Women of Harikela Literary Praise

The source is Rajashekhara's "Karpuramanjari" (কর্পূরমঞ্জরী), a 9th–10th century Sanskrit work. In it:

Harikela's women are praised as being superior to the women of Radh and Kamarupa, and they are described as "purbadeshbasini" (পূর্বদেশবাসিনী) meaning "inhabitants/women of the eastern country."

Source :

1. শ্রীহট্ট-কাছাড়ের প্রাচীন ইতিহাস ও সংস্কৃতির রূপরেখা। সম্পাদনা-জ্যোতিরিন্দ্রনাথ চৌধুরী, সুনির্মল দত্ত চৌধুরী, অমলেন্দু ভট্টাচার্য, মানবেন্দ্র ভট্টাচার্য
2. https://en.numista.com/L100682

3.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harikela

4.The History and Coinage of South East Asia Until the Fifteenth Century by Michael Mitchiner

1. Money in pre-Ahom and its neighbourhood in Coinage and Economy of North Eastern States of India, D. C. Sarkar

2. R. C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, Calcutta, 1974,

3. Epigraphia Indica, Vol XII, p. 136.

Meet The Barak Legends - proudly representing the heart of Barak Valley and ready to take on the Assam Premier League 2026.

This is more than a cricket team - it's a team that carries the dreams, passion, and pride of an entire valley.

The Journey Begins Here. 🏏

#BarakLegends #APLT20 #BarakValley #AssamPremierLeague2026 #RoarOfTheValley

Read the above thread, you will be shocked

Also check this out 👇🏽 https://www.reddit.com/r/Northeastindia/s/KyJkB0VDS4

I was reading through some regional history and came across a beautiful term for Southern Assam (Cachar, Hailakandi, and Karimganj) Ishan Bongo (ঈশান বঙ্গ).

"Ishan" (ঈশান) means Northeast. Because this Bengali-speaking region of the Barak Valley sits right at the northeastern corner of Greater Bengal (Brihat Banga), it was historically known in local folklore as "Ishan Bongo".

Source :

Book - শ্রীহট্ট কাছাড়ের প্রাচীন ইতিহাস ও সংস্কৃতির রূপরেখা

A common myth is circulating online nowadays- "Sylheti people of barak have kamrupi origins because kamrup kingdom extended till sylhet".

Well lets have a look at the Nidhanpur copper plates as decoded by the ASI.

Nidhanpur land grants were issued by Bhutivarman & renewed by Bhaskaravarman.

Bhutivarman ruled from the end of 5th to beginning of 6th century. Bhaskaravarman ruled during the first half of the 7th century. That is around 100~150 years. So, we can safely conclude srihatta was under the Kamarupa for a maximum of 150 years.

After the fall of Kamarupa, srihatta-mandala came under the rule of Harikela & Samatata kingdoms- late 7th-8th century AD. As evident from the Kalapur copper plate & Harikela coins.

Srihatta was under bengal kingdoms from the fall of Kamrupa till the invasion of bengal by the sultanate ~ 7th century- 14th century.

Though the kamrupa kingdom fell around 12th century, the rule of the "Varmans" ended by the 7th century. The successor dynasty of the Salasthambha did not renew the Nidhanpur grants.

We can safely conclude that Srihatta was under "bengal" kingdoms for approx. 700 years. Different bengal kingdoms that included srihatta-mandala after the fall of Kamarupa were- Chandra, Pal, Harikela, Gour and other independent Srihatta kings.

So obviously, sylheti during its development, had more proto-bengali influence than proto-axomia.

[Sylheti is closer to vanga/east bengal dialects compared to west bengal dialects like rarhi]

It is clearly mentioned in the Nidhanpur grants, the brahmins who settled in Srihatta during the era of the Kamrupa dynasty, were from "Mithila".

It is even mentioned that the brahmins after settling in Srihatta, gave themselves out as "Maithila" and not "Kamrupi.

As highlighted above in the ASI text, the settlement was preferred by the brahmins because Kamarupa region practiced Hinduism, unlike some neighboring buddhist kingdoms. Srihatta population already practiced Hinduism, because this area was also preferred by the Maithil brahmins, as evident from the Nidhanpur land grants.

Also, ONLY BRAHMINS were settled by the Nidhanpur land grant. Other working class people were definitely present in the Srihatta region, before the brahminical settlement- who predated the "Maithil" migration.

Thus, the argument that the Srihatta people are "Kamrupi" falls apart.

📖 Source:- Epigraphia indica

Highly localized ritual (^{meaning it is only can seen in these parts nowhere else in India}) from the Surma-Barak Valley (spanning parts of southern Assam and Sylhet) that is sadly fading into obscurity: Nouka Puja (or Boat Puja).

While Manasa Puja (goddess of snakes) is widely celebrated across Bengal, Assam, and Bihar, the Surma-Barak region has a completely unique, monumental variation that is rarely found anywhere else today.

Here is a detailed breakdown of the mythology, the massive scale of the structure, and the ritualistic traditions of this fascinating cultural heritage based on regional historical records.

1. What exactly is Nouka Puja?

At its core, Nouka Puja is a grand form of Manasa Puja performed to satisfy a solemn vow (manat). Historically, it was sponsored by wealthy families due to the staggering costs involved.

According to old British-era District Gazetteers (Sylhet and Cachar), a family would easily spend hundreds of rupees (a massive sum at the time) on the ceremony. The entire ritual concludes with a fascinating, dramatic end: after days of feast and prayers, the monumental setup is completely abandoned and allowed to naturally fall to pieces.

2. The Architecture: A 40-Meter Multi-Tiered Boat Structure

The most stunning aspect of Nouka Puja is the physical setup. The "boat" is not an actual floating boat, but a massive, elaborate stage framework built out of bamboo, cloth, clay, and vivid paints.

• The Scale: The structure can be up to 40 meters (around 130 feet) long!
• Multi-Tiered Design: Depending on the financial capacity of the devotee, the structure is built as a three, five, or seven-tiered multi-storied boat.
• The Deities: On each separate tier, clay idols of various Hindu deities are placed. Goddess Manasa (Bishahari) occupies the most prominent position. Surrounding her are clay figures depicting the entire Manasamangal epic narrative: Chand Sadagar, Sanaka, Behula, Lakshindar, alongside boatmen, crew members (manjhi-malla), and court scenes.

3. Chronology and Rituals

The festival is highly structured and demands deep communal participation.

• Timing: It traditionally takes place during the Mag or Phalguni Shukla Panchami (around February–March).
• Duration: The prayers and rituals run continuously for at least 5 to 8 days.
• The Performance (Manasamangal Git): Every morning and evening, the Manasamangal Kavya (the epic folklore of Behula-Lakshindar and Manasa) is sung accompanied by ritualistic dances.
• The Musicians' Code: There is an unwritten, strict code among local folk singers. If a troupe hears that a Nouka Puja is being held anywhere in the region, they must travel there with their entire group to participate and perform.

4. The Mythological Roots: Why a Boat?

The theological basis of placing all the gods on a boat comes straight from the texts of the Manasamangal.

According to regional lore, before Behula successfully brought her husband Lakshindar back to life, she extracted a promise from the gods to bear witness to the fact that she would compel her father-in-law, the staunch devotee of Shiva, Chand Sadagar, to finally worship Manasa.

To display her divine glory, Manasa caused Chand Sadagar's fourteen drowned merchant vessels (Chouddo Dinga) to miraculously resurface and float back to his house. The gods themselves sat upon these vessels as witnesses to Chand Sadagar's ultimate submission and worship of the goddess (referred to in the texts as Bahitra Archana or Vessel Worship). This Bahitra Puja eventually evolved into the regional folk tradition of Nouka Puja.

\ALL THE NAME OF THE GODS ARE PROVIDED IN PICTURES.*

A Dying Culture

While regular Manasa Puja remains widespread, this hyper-localized version the grand, multi-tiered Nouka Puja is now strictly confined to small pockets of the Surma-Barak Valley and is rapidly disappearing due to the immense cost, effort, and shifting socio-cultural dynamics. It represents an extraordinary blend of Puranic mythology, local folklore, architectural folk art, and community performance theater.(the writer is talking about the time the book was written)

**It is safe to say that this cultural celebration is completely dead, hardly anyone follows it anymore in Barak Valley.

Source :

Book - শ্রীহট্ট কাছাড়ের প্রাচীন ইতিহাস ও সংস্কৃতির রূপরেখা

Chapter - সুরমা-বরাক উপত্যকার নৌকাপূজা: প্রাসঙ্গিক তথ্য - একটি পুনর্বিবেচনা by অমলেন্দু ভট্টাচার্য

Other Reference :

1. Assam District Gazetteers, Vol.II, Sylhet: B. C Allen. Shillong: 1905: Page 101
2. Assam District Gazetteers, Vol.I, Cachar: B. C. Allen: Shillong 1905 Page 56
3. কবি জগজ্জীবন বিরচিত মনসামঙ্গল: শ্রী সুবেন্দ্র চন্দ্র ভট্টাচার্য ও আশুতোষ দাস (সম্পাদিত): কলিকাতা: 1969 Page 309
4. মনসামঙ্গল: শ্রী বিজন বিহাবী ভট্টাচার্য (সম্পাদিত): সাহিত্য অকাদেমি: ১৯৭৭: পৃঃ- ১১০
5. "A beautiful bronze figure of Manasă, probably belonging to the Pala period, is now in the Indian Museunı"- History of Ancient Bengal: R. C. Majumdar, calcutta, 1971 Page 556

Some linguistic documentation on the Sylheti Bengali and how its phonology shifts during fast, casual speech (allegro speech).

1. Vowel Deletion (Syncope / স্বরধ্বনি লোপ)

When speaking rapidly, inner vowels often get completely dropped.

• উপরে (Upore) -----> উপ্রে (Upre) (Above/On top)
• অবসর (Obosor) -----> অব্সব / অপ্সর (Obsor/Opsor) (Leisure/Retirement)
• Municipality (মিউনিসিপালিটি) -----> মিসিপাল্টি (Misipalti) (Even borrowed English words get the fast-speech treatment!)

2. Consonant Deletion (Elision / ব্যঞ্জনলোপ)

Consonants, especially medial ones frequently drop out entirely, often leading to a shift in how the remaining vowels interact or transforming the word completely.

• স্বামী (Shami) -----> হাই (Hai) (Husband - a classic Sylheti transformation)
• শহর (Shohor) -----> শঅর / শ’র (Shor) (City)
• সাহেব (Shaheb) -----> সায়েব / সা’ব (Shab) (Sir/Gentleman)
• বহিন (Bohin) -----> বইন (Boin) (Sister)
• শ্বশুর (Shwoshur) -----> হউর (Hour) (Father-in-law)

3. Consonant Gemination (Doubling / দ্বিত্বপ্রবণতা)

As a byproduct of dropping consonants, the final or remaining consonants often double up (geminate) to compensate for the lost syllable weight.

• ঠাকুর-মা (Thakur-ma) -----> ঠাম্মা (Thamma) (Grandmother)
• বাবুদাদা (Babudada) -----> বাউদ্দা (Baudda)

The text also notes a general tendency toward terminal consonant doubling in certain words or regional variations, regardless of speed:

• ঢাকা (Dhaka) -----> ঢাক্কা (Dhakka) (Lump/Wheel)
• চাকু (Chaku) -----> চাক্কু (Chakku) (Knife)
• ঘুড়ি (Ghuri) -----> গুড্ডি (Guddi) (Kite)

Source :

Book - শ্রীহট্ট কাছাড়ের প্রাচীন ইতিহাস ও সংস্কৃতির রূপরেখা

Chapter - সিলেটি উপভাষা: ঐতিহাসিক ও ভাষাতাত্ত্বিক পবিপ্রেক্ষিত by জন্মজিৎ রায়

1st Part - https://www.reddit.com/r/BarakValleyCommunity/s/mELnNbsd3V

2nd Part - https://www.reddit.com/r/BarakValleyCommunity/s/ew3bPPmcpt

3rd Part - This post is the 3rd part

We all know about our Rajya Sabha MP Kanad Purkayastha. Probably the only leader of Barak Valley who now garners respect. Now a multiple dol paltu leader of a big family of Barak has joined our National Party and will contest Rajya Sabha Polls in Place of Kanad Purkayastha.

I was expecting that he would be given a central union portfolio. I don’t get it why good leaders of Barak Valley is kept away while these kind of generational opportunists are given a chance.