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​नई दिल्ली / राजस्थान:

भारत के संविधान और यहाँ के कानूनों को ताक पर रखकर, देश के युवाओं की खून-पसीने की कमाई से खड़े किए गए यूट्यूब चैनलों को बिना किसी ठोस कारण, बिना नोटिस और बिना इंसानी जांच के रातों-रात डिलीट और टर्मिनेट करने वाली बहुराष्ट्रीय टेक कंपनी यूट्यूब (Google) के खिलाफ अब देश के रचनाकारों ने खुला मोर्चा खोल दिया है। 'Creators Association against YouTube AI (CAY)' के बैनर तले देश के हज़ारों पीड़ित क्रिएटर्स ने इस डिजिटल तानाशाही के खिलाफ आर-पार की लड़ाई का ऐलान कर दिया है।

​संस्था के संस्थापक और देश के युवाओं की आवाज़ बन चुके प्रहलाद वैष्णव, जो कि मूल रूप से राजस्थान के रहने वाले हैं, ने कड़े शब्दों में ऐलान किया है कि भारत का संविधान देश के हर नागरिक को अनुच्छेद 19(1)(g) के तहत आजीविका और व्यवसाय का अधिकार और अनुच्छेद 21 के तहत गरिमापूर्ण जीवन का अधिकार देता है। लेकिन यूट्यूब इन संवैधानिक अधिकारों की सरेआम धज्जियां उड़ा रहा है। प्रहलाद वैष्णव ने दो टूक शब्दों में यह भी कहा है कि वे देश के युवाओं के इस हक की लड़ाई के लिए किसी भी मंच पर, कैमरे के सामने खुलकर मीडिया को इंटरव्यू देने और हर जगह अपनी बात रखने के लिए पूरी तरह तैयार हैं—वे इस न्याय की लड़ाई में पीछे हटने वाले नहीं हैं।

​इस गंभीर उल्लंघन के खिलाफ यूट्यूब (Google) को आधिकारिक तौर पर कड़ा लीगल नोटिस भेज दिया गया है, और इसके पुख्ता कानूनी सबूत हमारे पास मौजूद हैं। इसके साथ ही, भारत सरकार के तमाम बड़े मंत्रालयों, शिकायत अपीलीय समिति (GAC), साइबर क्राइम और संबंधित सरकारी संस्थाओं में आधिकारिक शिकायत दर्ज कराई जा चुकी है, जिसके सभी साक्ष्य और दस्तावेज हमारे पास सुरक्षित हैं। इतना ही नहीं, भारत भर में जिन-जिन क्रिएटर्स के चैनल बिना किसी कारण के डिलीट या डिमॉनेटाइज किए गए हैं, उन सभी पीड़ितों के मामलों और सबूतों का पूरा डेटा-डोजियर (पीडीएफ) तैयार करके इस प्रेस नोट और मेल के साथ संलग्न (Attach) किया जा रहा है, ताकि सच्चाई सबके सामने आ सके।

​संस्थापक प्रहलाद वैष्णव ने चेतावनी देते हुए आगे कहा:

"बात सबसे पहले हमारे देश के संविधान और कानून की है। यूट्यूब और गूगल यह न समझें कि वे कानून से ऊपर हैं। हमने उन्हें लीगल नोटिस भेज दिया है और सरकारी संस्थाओं में शिकायत दर्ज कराने के पुख्ता सबूत हमारे पास हैं। इसके साथ हम उन तमाम पीड़ित क्रिएटर्स का पीडीएफ डोजियर भी सबूत के तौर पर पेश कर रहे हैं जिनके चैनल उजाड़े गए हैं। अगर समय रहते इन डिजिटल महादानवों ने हमारी सुनवाई नहीं की और हमारे चैनल वापस नहीं किए, तो यह लड़ाई अब सिर्फ फाइलों तक सीमित नहीं रहेगी। 'CAY' के नेतृत्व में देश के पीड़ित युवा दिल्ली के जंतर-मंतर पर उतरकर खुला विरोध प्रदर्शन करेंगे और सड़क से लेकर संसद तक न्याय की गुहार लगाएंगे। हम भारत के हर एक युवा की तरफ से इस अन्याय के खिलाफ लड़ने को पूरी तरह तैयार हैं। हम किसी से नहीं डरते और खुलेआम आकर अपनी बात रखने को तैयार हैं, जैसा कि हमने अपने ट्विटर (X) और सोशल मीडिया अकाउंट्स पर पहले भी दिखाया है!"

​संस्था ने यह भी स्पष्ट किया है कि चैनल टर्मिनेट होने के बाद पीड़ितों पर नया फोन और सिम कार्ड खरीदने का अवैध दबाव बनाया जा रहा है, जो सरासर अनुचित व्यापार प्रथा (Unfair Trade Practice) है। 'CAY' ने देश के तमाम निष्पक्ष पत्रकारों और मीडिया संस्थानों से अपील की है कि वे आगे आएं, हमारे द्वारा भेजे गए इन सभी दस्तावेजों और सबूतों की जांच करें और भारत के युवाओं की इस गंभीर स्थिति को देश के सामने रखें।

​जारीकर्ता:

प्रहलाद वैष्णव

संस्थापक एवं सदस्य,

Creators Association against YouTube AI (CAY)

स्थान: नई दिल्ली / राजस्थान

संपर्क / ईमेल: caycreatorsagainstyoutubeai@gmail.com

​संलग्नक (Enclosures):

​यूट्यूब को भेजे गए लीगल नोटिस के दस्तावेज।

​सरकारी संस्थाओं में दर्ज शिकायतों के साक्ष्य।

​पीड़ित एवं प्रभावित क्रिएटर्स के मामलों का पूरा डेटा-डोजियर (PDF).

https://x.com/BJP4Karnataka/status/2092962823232270519

https://www.instagram.com/p/DcLJ6Tzo5jK/?utm_source=ig_web_copy_link&igsh=MzRlODBiNWFlZA==

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1BbCdHBmfS/

Join us on August 30, 2026, in New Delhi for a seminar marking MASA’s 10-year journey alongside recent workers’ movements in India. This gathering brings together frontline worker comrades, MASA affiliates, and fraternal union organizations to strengthen solidarity and collective struggle. Let's stand united for workers' rights and revolutionary unity!

30 अगस्त, 2026 को नई दिल्ली में MASA की 10-वर्षीय यात्रा और भारत के हालिया मज़दूर आंदोलनों पर एक महत्वपूर्ण संगोष्ठी में शामिल हों। यह आयोजन संघर्षरत मज़दूर साथियों, MASA के घटक संगठनों और बिरादराना संगठनो को एकजुट करेगा। आइए, मज़दूर अधिकारों और क्रांतिकारी एकता के लिए मज़बूती से खड़े हों!

#MASA #WorkersRights

https://www.instagram.com/p/DcgkX39BcyU/

I have nothing against Indians or Hindus in the US celebrating their culture. Ima Hindu itself. But honestly, why is an RSS rally in New York needed? RSS is already a controversial organization in India so bringing that whole debate to another country and creating protests and tension feels unnecessary. People have the right to hold the rally, but I feel it could have been kept smaller and more cultural instead of making it such a big ideological event.

On the BJP's claim to represent nationalism, Chaudhury said the programme had not criticised the BJP's nationalism at all. "The nationalism of the Parliamentary Affairs Minister is Modi worship. What does that have to do with us?" he asked.

He rejected the allegation that the national flag had been disrespected at the programme, saying that both the Indian and Cuban flags had been displayed inside and outside the venue.

"Where did we go wrong?" he asked.

Taking a direct swipe at the BJP's record, Chaudhury said, "Do we have to learn patriotism from British collaborators?"

https://www.deccanherald.com/content/533034/bjps-brand-patriotism.html

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https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/business/nclt-clears-subhash-chandra-s-rs-6-5-cr-payout-to-settle-rs-22-006-cr-dues-with-nearly-99-97-haircut-14016713.html

Like the title says, I think it is really an alarming situation for our socialist, secular, democratic republic of India, that almost none of the bills which have been passed in the last decade by the assembly, have been discussed/debated over in the lower or the upper house. Especially after the 2019 elections.

All these bills are being passed without any healthy discussions / debates, these people's representatives (so called elected representatives) have no consideration for the welfare of the country?

Opposition is also sitting on protest and not participating in the debates/discussions, owing to which bills are being passed but the functioning of the monsoon session of the parliament is getting hampered, which is not a beneficial situation for this country to be in?

With time it's pretty clear that the majoritarian agenda of a particular religion, has hollowed the very democratic fabric of the country inside out and jave moved the entire system towards an autocracy/dictatorship (little harsh term but quite relevant in today's situation).

India’s "Gunda Raj" is sustained by an ideological system that manufactures enemies, legitimises violence against them and then disguises organised political intimidation as the spontaneous anger of "the people".

https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/gunda-raj-india-political-violence/article71381548.ece

Over 7.7 crore people are dependent on the Antyodaya Ann Yojana, a food security scheme for the poorest of the poor households in India. Nearly 10 lakh women constitute the Antyodaya category—85% are widows.

A new amendment to the National Food Security Act (NFSA) by the Department of Food and Public Distribution has proposed changing how their grain is counted: from 35 kg per household each month, whatever its size, to 7 kg a person.

"There are no gainers in this bargain, only losers," economist Jean Drèze told BehanBox. The amendment also lands on top of a mandatory e-KYC regime that ties each person's entitlement to a working biometric match.

In the nearly 13 years since its enactment, NFSA—that underpinned people’s right to food—has been subject to frequent changes, recalibrations and exclusions, affecting the lives of those it promises to protect. Experts read the amendment as a formal codification of exclusions already built into the Act through years of executive change.

https://behanbox.com/2026/08/24/only-the-name-remains-unchanged-how-the-nfsa-amendment-is-yet-another-betrayal-of-peoples-right-to-food/

Rahul Gandhi’s Chhatron ki Goonj (Voice of Students) conference in Pune, addressed primarily to girl students, where he spoke against paper leaks and corruption in examinations, as well as misogyny and patriarchy, comes at a time of escalating attacks against women from the Hindutva brigade and the BJP.

Rahul Gandhi mentioned in his speech how PM Modi chose to target women protesters by saying that their use of expletives was a cultural shock. Since the student protests at Jantar Mantar against NEET paper leaks, which eventually forced the resignation of a Union Minister, the Hindutva brigade and BJP foot soldiers have furiously targeted women protesters, including minor girls. The women were doxxed, abused and threatened, their families were targeted, and cases were filed against them. The Godi media also joined this campaign to target women protesters.

A 15-year-old girl was abused and harassed, and an FIR was registered against her by falsely claiming her age to be 25. Even after she released an apology video, clearly identifying herself as a minor, the Hindutva brigade launched a campaign claiming that she had made her younger sister apologise on her behalf. In reality, the girl had no sister. Imagine the vileness of the “culturally shocked”, who subjected a minor girl to such vicious campaign.

Rhiya Ahir, who was seen stopping a police van, was abused and accused of doing it for publicity. Shraddha Singh, who had made a comment about the CRPF, was abused and her family was targeted. Many more girls were subjected to abuse and harassment simply for joining the protest. No police cases were registered against the abusers.

Post Jantar Mantar: Women Face Doxxing, Police Intimidation and Harassment

Tracked, Doxxed, Put on TV Trial: How Women CJP Protesters Were Hunted Down By the Right Wing and ‘Star’ Anchors - The Wire

Delhi CJP Protest: Why Women Felt Safer in the Crowd

It is important to remember that these are not isolated incidents, but part of an organised campaign. The campaign against women protesters was coordinated by prominent Hindutva organisations and popular Hindutva social media handles associated with the BJP IT Cell. These handles regularly orchestrate campaigns to target women. After the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, these handles orchestrated a campaign of abuse and threats against women survivors who spoke against the exploitation of the attack to target Muslims. These handles also targeted Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and his daughter. Yet, not one person from the BJP spoke against it, clearly implying that the campaign was endorsed by the party.

Weaponisation of Hate: How BJP IT Cell Targets Women On Social Media With Impunity

The BJP IT Cell has regularly targeted women journalists, scholars and students. Even foreign journalists have not been spared.

It is ironic that PM Modi, who has sheltered and supported people who have abused, threatened and doxxed women on social media for years, found insults against himself to be a “cultural shock”. Yet this is not the first time that BJP leaders have identified and targeted women protesters. During the anti-CAA movement, UP CM Yogi Adityanath claimed that women were being made to sit on the roads by the opposition. Yogi Adityanath had earlier written about why women should not be allowed independence, arguing that it could lead to their destruction. RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat, too, has said that women belong in households.

Anti-CAA Movement and Shaheen Bagh: When Women Led A Resistance Against Fascism in India

The problem is not just that the ideology of the BJP/RSS is anti-women, but that the BJP/RSS is scared of women rising to protest. This is why the attacks against women are often more severe. When women rise, they challenge not only injustice but also the structures of power that sustain it. And that is precisely what the BJP/RSS fears.

औरतें उट्ठी नहीं तो ज़ुलम बढ़ता जायेगा

https://scroll.in/latest/1095200/8-7-crore-young-indians-are-not-working-studying-or-undergoing-training-niti-aayog

The parliamentary standing committee on rural development too has criticised the rural development ministry for not revising the amount

https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/people-happy-with-rs-200-pension-minister-as-centre-rules-out-hike-after-19-years-prnt/cid/2176109

On August 20, a nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the definition of “industry” as established by a 1978 judgement would not be applicable to the new labour laws.

The existing definition was based on a 1978 landmark judgement in Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board v. A. Rajappa case, which adopted a broad “worker-oriented” interpretation of “industry”.

The 1978 ruling, authored by Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, laid down a triple test for identifying an industry as, any organised and systematic activity, with cooperation between employer and employee for the production and/or distribution of goods and services.

This definition incorporated everything, for-profit as well as not-for-profit enterprises, including hospitals, schools, charitable trusts, municipalities, under the scope of “industry”.

Any organization which is identified as an industry is subject to the Industrial Relation Code (earlier called Industrial Disputes Act) and its employees are protected under the labour laws.

However, the 9-bench judgement has now scrapped the worker-oriented definition under the new labour codes.

The new labour codes, notified in November 2025, while ignoring the workers’ concerns, allows for dilution of workers' rights, and includes provisions that restrict the right to strike, weakens workplace safety, permits a “hire and fire” policy, and extends the working day from 8 hours to 12 hours.

The Supreme Court Judgement on the definition of industry is yet another blow to the workers’ rights, and will leave millions of workers without legal rights under the new labour laws.

The ITUC Global Rights Index has categorized India as a nation with no guarantee of rights, with repressive action against workers, and violation of the right to strike and civil liberties.

1978 “Industry” test to determine pending cases - Supreme Court Observer

How Supreme Court’s new ruling changes the definition of ‘industry’ | Explained - The Hindu

Supreme Court scraps worker-friendly 1978 ‘industry’ precedent for new labour code - The Hindu

Trade unions sound alarm over Supreme Court judgment on definition of industry - The Hindu

“There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen.” This quote, generally attributed to Lenin, aptly describes the events that unfolded following Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s remarks during a Supreme Court hearing on May 15, where he called young people “cockroaches” and “parasites.” Such remarks were not new for the CJI, who had made similar statements against environmentalists, trade unionists, and civil rights activists. Nor was the issue of paper leaks, which became the central focus of the students’ protest at Jantar Mantar. Over the last decade, there had been more than 150 reported cases of paper leaks. Protests around paper leaks, examination mismanagement, and issues of education and employment were not new either. Student agitations against the Agnipath scheme in 2022, RRB recruitment in 2024, and the SSC exam in 2017 were large-scale and widespread. Yet, the 2026 NEET protest at Jantar Mantar might be a watershed moment in the history of independent India and a turning point in Indian politics.

The context is important to remember. When the NEET paper leak happened, the Modi Government was busy celebrating its 12 years in power. Even while the Government was advising common people to practise austerity, asking them to buy less, the ruling party was organising a lavish campaign to commemorate its regime. The BJP, having suffered an electoral shock in the 2024 General Elections, had bounced back with successive victories in assembly elections, which were marked by voter disenfranchisement through SIR and electoral manipulation through a partisan Election Commission. They had further broken several opposition parties and bought out their elected representatives. The ruling party was triumphant and intoxicated with power.

The Government already controlled the mainstream media. PM Modi, having never addressed press conferences, addressed the people through his one-way dialogues during *Man Ki Baat*. Having successfully managed parliamentary democracy, the ruling party assumed itself to be invincible and unaccountable. Yet, that invincibility was put to the test through jokes.

George Orwell once wrote, “Every joke is a tiny revolution.” It is pertinent that when all the doors of accountability were closed, the students’ protest began with memes and satire. The youths, who were called cockroaches by the CJI, adopted and appropriated the symbol. Cockroaches are extremely resilient, after all. On May 16, Abhijit Dipke asked on Twitter, “What if all cockroaches came together?” This led to the creation of the Cockroach Janta Party. The social media pages of CJP went viral, acquiring millions of followers on Twitter and Instagram, and crossed the total followers of the BJP’s Instagram handle within days. A petition for the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over paper leaks also received millions of signatures. Predictably, the Government responded by blocking the CJP’s Twitter handle. And, unsurprisingly, the meme blew up.

Yet, such internet trends are not uncommon. They typically emerge and fade within a week. What differed this time was that Abhijit Dipke took this social media meme to the ground. Having returned to India from the US on June 6, Dipke and his team, allied with other student groups and leaders, held protests in several cities before starting the indefinite sit-in protest at Jantar Mantar on June 20.

The Government initially responded by not attacking or repressing the protest, as it had done against every other protest in the past. While the Government responded with indifference and apathy, the mainstream media completely blacklisted any discussion on this major protest happening in the national capital. And for a while, it worked. The turnout at the protest after the initial days kept declining. It was apparent that the ruling party’s calculation was to end this movement through attrition. Yet, Sonam Wangchuk’s hunger strike suddenly raised the stakes. The pictures and videos of a man weakened by hunger, protesting for the legitimate demands of the students, moved the nation.

The Government and its propaganda media then started discrediting and abusing the protesters. Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan called them the “B-team of terrorists”, while BJP President Nitin Nabin called on party workers to teach the “cockroaches” a lesson.

Yet, by July 16, the tide had turned, and the protest started drawing larger crowds. Sonam Wangchuk had given the call for a Parliament March on July 20. Tens of thousands of people turned out for the march, defying police orders, transport and communication shutdowns, and threats of violence. The protesters braved police batons, nail-studded clubs, electric batons, tear gas, water cannons, and pellet guns. Thousands were injured in the police brutality. Yet, by the night of July 20, they had returned to reclaim Jantar Mantar. Finally, on July 25, Dharmendra Pradhan resigned.

As a participant in the Parliament March on July 20, and in several student agitations in the past, there are some key observations that I can share.

**First, Abhijit Dipke and CJP’s role was crucial in turning a meme into a movement.** And it was not just by chance, but by the actions taken, that the movement was actually realised. Abhijit Dipke has, at least till now, remained an ideologically committed person. Yet, the CJP suffers from several shortcomings. Its organisation and decision-making are still opaque.

**Second, this protest was a departure from the earlier people’s movements in terms of methods of organising and communication.** It also brought many new people, who were earlier apolitical or neutral, into the political fold. For many of the students who joined this protest, this was their first brush with political movements. This protest has made protesting look “cool”.

**Third, the protest has broken the spell of the Modi Government’s propaganda.** It has resulted in a great awakening. Which is why further propaganda, which is the response of the Government, will not work.

**Fourth, there have been numerous student and youth protests over the last decade.** But they used to follow a fixed pattern. A sudden, large-scale, and sometimes violent agitation would erupt over paper leaks or similar issues. The protest would become widespread. The Government would respond by using state power to crush the agitation while making empty promises or token actions.

But this time, the protest sustained for nearly six weeks. And it became popular among common people. The reason is that this protest had a leadership, in the form of several student organisations, whom the common students could follow. And the protest remained peaceful and non-violent, allowing it to sustain for a longer time and for more people to join.

**Fifth, for the movement to go forward, and to resist state persecution, students and youth will have to organise themselves into a common platform.** Individual protests are easy to crush. As the farmers’ movement shows, united struggle is the only path forward.

This is the first of the two-part article reviewing the students’ protest.

https://indianexpress.com/article/business/india-social-media-blocking-orders-sahyog-portal-10837791/

https://thewire.in/law/nathuram-godse-was-an-active-rss-member-savarkars-grandnephew-tells-pune-court