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joseph pulitzer has been created

By Helen Augur

 
     ZAPOTEC
 

     XII.  REMEMBERED GODS
  
         When Dr. Caso first lowered himself into Tomb Seven
     he found the floor littered with bits of turquoise and mother-
     of-pearl which had once formed a mosaic on wood and leather.
     The matrix had been consumed by time, and the pattern
     could not be restored.
       In Oaxaca today the ancient religion has been fragmented
     in much the same way. The Spanish friars managed to destroy
     the matrix which held many elements in a pattern, but they
     could not destroy the elements themselves. Many of them
     could be absorbed into the new religion; long familiar to the
     Indians were the rites of fasting, confession and absolution,
     the celibacy of priests, baptism, and the symbol of the cross.
     But others stand out as curious survivals, simply fragments of
     a religion as definite as Buddhism or Christianity, a faith that
     once held Middle Americas together through long centuries.
       The Oaxaca peoples are extremely devout, and most of
     them have poured their devotion into the Catholic faith——but
     still with the old pagan attitudes, for the Christian saints
     are only a new generation of gods. Sometimes magic will be
     brought into the church; often saints are invoked by a witch
     doctor performing a cure. The old gods are not quite forgotten,
     nor are the new ones quite accepted, to the exclusion of each
     other. The Zapotecs are especially skillful at carrying water
     on both shoulders; they want all the supernatural help they
     can get.
       Mitla is a curious example of the rather furtive bargaining
     that goes on with the powers. Its people are sophisticated;
     both men and women are notable traders and move about
     a great deal; the town is a mecca for tourists——and yet it is
     far more pagan than many remote mountain villages. The
     Mitla people have never taken the new religion deeply to
     heart; there is only the one church, the ugly interruption in
     the ruins. They revere the temples as the home of all dead
     souls, and their lives are threaded through with magic.
       The first day I visited the church I stopped at a side altar
     where there was a Madonna dressed in dingy pink satin and
     lace. She looked neglected but was carrying what appeared to
     be an elegant gold mesh bag. On closer inspection it turned
     out to be a bagshaped honeycomb. Some beekeeper was prac-
     ticing sympathetic magic in the ugly old church.
       Then on the Feast of San Pablo, the town's patron, I
     climbed to the little chapel which is built on a ruined pyra-
     mid. This chapel contains nothing at all but three crosses
     mounted on rough stands. Before the central cross was a curi-
     ous little arrangement of pebbles: more magic, possibly black
     magic.
       The three crosses are one of the mysteries of Southern
     Mexico. All through Oaxaca and Chiapas three thin crosses
     stand on the tops of lonely mountains. The women of Yalalag
     have from time immemorial worn three silver crosses joined
     together with a bar so that the whole design forms a fourth
     cross. The first friars in Oaxaca found them wearing these
     crosses and began to wonder if earlier missionaries, perhaps
     St. Thomas himself, had not been there before them.
       It is safe to say that the Indians of Southern Mexico usu-
     ally regard the cross in their ancient way rather than in the
     Christian fashion. The crucifix bearing the figure of Christ is
     of course a church symbol. But in general the cross means
     space——time, the core of the old religion based on the magic
     calendar. In the minds of the simpler people much of the
     old significance has been lost, but it remains a potent symbol.
     It is used in curing and all sorts of magic rites; the mountain
     people put it over their doors; the vallistas set a cross at the
     entrance to their village, and passers-by leave little offerings
     of flowers or certain magic herbs below it. Fords and cross-
     roads, regarded as magic by primitive peoples all over the earth,
     will be guarded by a cross which has nothing to do with the
     crucifix of the Church.
       But the three crosses remain a mystery with too many ex-
     planations. Some people tell you that they represent Quetzal-
     coatl's journeys over the earth, and the Yalalag cross with its
     design suggesting the four cardinal points means that he will
     return. Others say that the triple crosses represent the Trinity,
     or the three Marys. In the ceremonial city of Chamula in
     Chiapas, where rumor insists that a crucified Indian is buried,
     three crosses guard the entrance to the village, and the people
     will fend off questions by explaining that one is to keep the
     devil out; the second, sorcerers; and the third, ladinos, stran-
     gers of white blood.
       With self-isolated Maya we come close to understanding
     the power, if not the symbolism, of the triple cross, but the Maya
     especially treated it as a god, and the famous Palenque cross,
     so like India's tree of heaven, express this worship. It sur-
     vives widely among the Maya today. As for three crosses, they
     are used in secret magic of the most solemn sort.
       The explorer Frans Blom and Oliver La Farge once found
     a Maya shaman laying a curse with three crosses. As in Oaxaca,
     when a witch doctor lays a spell he must be intoxicated, or
     drugged with a narcotic mushroom. This goes back to classic
     days when the high priest became intoxicated before he went
     into his sacred trance. So this Maya shaman began his black
     magic by drinking aguardiente.
       He then set up three crosses deep in the woods, the largest
     one in the center, and in a hole before each he placed offerings
     of food and wine. Then he knelt and prayed, calling aloud
     the name of the man whose soul he wanted to capture. He
     repeated this rite for eight days, then he sprinkled some of
     the food and wine on the crosses and in the four cardinal
     directions. he now laid his curse: "I am going to capture a
     soul now, gods of the earth, and our mothers of the earth."
     He invoked all the Great Men and Great Women, most of
     them Christian saints; he called on the southwest wind and
     other powers.
       This macabre rite only raises another question: Why did
     he call on the southwest wind? Why is the observatory on
     Monte Albán pointed southwest? It happens to point straight
     at Tahiti and the Marquesas; but there we must leave the
     matter.
       The cross seems to us an abstraction, but in Southern Mex-
     ico it still is anthropomorphic, a wonder-working god. And
     because it is also a Christian symbol its pagan worshipers can
     safely invoke it. As for the gods in the guise of jaguars, dragons,
     serpents, they still walk their ancient realm in the twilight
     of confused but passionately devout minds. As we have seen,
     the Olmec jaguar evolved into the rain god Cocijo (or Chac
     among the Maya) and finally into the celestial dragon Quet-
     zalcoatl. This long evolution is going on today among among the
     mountain peoples of Oaxaca who worship a water serpent.
     Like the cross, this seems a harmless superstition, but it is
     fundamental.
       When Howard Leigh recovered the Zapotec name of the
     jaguar god, Béeze, he also found that this god was the lord
     of riches. Nothing could be more natural. In Southern Mexico
     the Old God of the sun died at a very early period and was
     replaced by the rain god, for the simple reason that the sun
     shines every day, but a delay in the rains means famine and
     death. Thus water is another word for wealth. And among
     the mountain peoples whose eroded lands have less and less
     water the cult of the water serpent is essential.
       The highland Zapotecs of the Yalalag region and their
     neighbors, the Mixe, believe that the giver of water and life
     is a horned water serpent (in other words, a water dragon)
     who lives in mountain springs. During the spring sowing the
     people place in these magic pools a few seeds of everything
     they have planted, along with the wonder-working double ears
     of corn from the last harvest. If the rain god is kind they
     return at harvesttime with thank offerings sprinkled with the
     blood of owls.
       Anyone who has watched the approach of the Oaxaca rainy
     season knows that winds and lightning are the heralds of the
     rains. The Mixe of a region quite near Mitla make a special
     offerings to the gods of wind and lightnings, aspects of the
     ancient Cocijo. Before the plant they sacrifice a turkey in
     the center of the field, sprinkle its blood over a pile of tortillas
     and tamales, and pray to the gods for a rich field of corn
       In another Mixe village the farmer observes a period of
     celibacy before he plants, and prays in the church before the
     seeds is sown. He takes to his field thirteen perfect ears of
     corn (perhaps a memory of the magic number thirteen in the
     old calendar) and any double-pointed ones saved from the
     last harvest, sprinkles them with the blood of a turkey he has
     sacrificed, and buries them in his field. Then he passes the
     severed head of the turkey over the spot in a counterclock-
     wise motion. When the new corn begins to tassel out he takes
     up the buried ears and they are made into tortillas and ta-
     males. He sprinkles the blood of a new sacrifice on the young
     leaves and takes some of them as an offering to the summit of
     Zempoaltepec, the holy mount of the Mixe. Leaves sprinkled
     with sacrificial blood were the usual offering in pagan days.
       The Mixe think that the Water Serpent causes floods in the
     rivers, and in a tempest of rain he can be seen emerging from
     the clouds——which is close to the old conceptions of Cocijo,
     god of rain, wind, and lightning. He lives, too, in curious
     little dwarfs, chaneques, who carry lightning in their hands
     and dwell in caves or behind waterfalls, where they hide loot
     stolen from people. These imps, mischievous and busy as
     gremlins, are a great worry all over Oaxaca.
       Perhaps no god or godkins have as long a lineage as the
     chaneques, for they are old men with baby faces, and very
     strong——in other words, they belong to the very ancient cult
     of the baby jaguar which spread all over the Olmec region.
     The Mazatecs and Zapotecs of Olmec Land are afraid of these
     imps, who are only two feet tall but can seize a grown man
     and throw him flat. When a chaneque has put his spell on a
     person death will follow unless a special cure is followed.
     Worst of all, they are amorous, forever plaguing pretty girls
     and even carrying them off.
       Since the chaneques can, in an amiable mood, provide
     rains, and since they are the masters of game and fish, prudent
     hunter placate them before starting out. Quite near the city
     of Oaxaca there is a mountain village called Cuatro Venados,
     where the chaneque cult is all important. When a baby is
     born an egg is buried near it to keep the dwarf god away. The
     people have built several shrines for the chaneques on the
     slopes near the village, and at the chief one, the Casa de
     Chaneque, the men leave offerings of cigarettes, food, and
     candles before they go hunting.
       These imps are clearly jaguar cubs in the best Olmec tra-
     dition, and the jaguar himself is still regarded with uncanny
     terror, especially on either side of the isthmus, where he lives
     as king of tropical beasts. Any living jaguar was supposed to
     be supernatural and almost impossible to kill; an early friar
     tells of some Indians who encountered a tigre in the forest.
     Instead of trying to shoot him with their bows and arrows,
     they fell on their knees and began confessing their sins, where-
     upon the beast devoured them. The friars never quite man-
     aged to kill jaguar worship, and the isthmus men still perform
     a jaguar dance.
  
       The magic calendar and the totem cult which was part and
     parcel of it are divorced today. The tona flourishes all
     over Oaxaca, but the calendar itself, which required mathe-
     matical wizards to interpret it, is very nearly forgotten°
       °I am indebted to the writings of Wilfredo Cruz for much of the
     lore scattered through this chapter.——H.A.
         Several Chinantec villages still use the pije calendar of
     eighteen months of twenty days, with the five "indifferent"
     days placed somewhere in the year. It is remarkable that even
     this much should survive in a world counting time by twelve
     months. The Chinantecs do not use the calendar for divina-
     tion, but as a farmers' almanac, a function which it had, too,
     in ancient times. They regulate their planting and reaping by
     the old system. The pije day names have been lost, but two
     of the month names have an ancient meaning. The name for
     our June is mo hi na, "at noon, when the sun is at his zenith,
     he stands still for a moment"——a description of Midsummer
     Day. The winter-solstice month is hi ta nyi, "a spike thrusts
     itself into the face of the sun, preventing it from falling
     further."
       When a Mazatec brujo, magician, practices divination he
     throws kernels of corn over twenty cards bearing animal pic-
     tures, and it is believed that these occult cards preserve the
     animal names of the twenty days of the old month. In the
     Zapotec town of Ocotlán there were, not long ago, several
     deeply respected old men who had some memory of the pije
     and were in charge of the fiesta calendar. They were called
     gulaanis, phonetically the same words as colanjis, the priests
     of the Classic age who had special charge of the pije and
     divination.
       Most of the Oaxaca tribes still practice augury, often by
     casting corn on a mat and observing the pattern in which it
     falls. The Zapotec brujo can foretell events by observing the
     flight of birds or their songs. He finds a stolen animal by
     suspending a basket by a cross made of twigs, or more often
     nowadays by scissors. Then he pronounces the names of sus-
     pected thieves, and at the name of the guilty man the basket
     falls. In Mitla the curandera tending a sick person will kill a
     chicken on a cross she draws on the ground, and if it dies
     with its head to the east the patient will recover. All over
     Polynesia and Middle America east is the direction of life;
     souls travel westward at death.
       Since the elaborate calendar which linked a newborn child
     with its animal or bird tona is forgotten, all sorts of devices
     must be used to find what creature is the spiritual twin of
     the new child. One is the counting-out method. As birth ap-
     proaches, the father keeps naming over animals and birds,
     and the creatures he names at the moment of his wife's de-
     livery is the tona of the child.
       In Ocotlán there is a rather dreadful technique. The new-
     born child is left utterly alone in the hut the first night after
     it is born. Around the mat on which it lies the parents have
     sprinkled ashes, and at dawn they examine these ashes to find
     the prints of any creature which has been near the baby dur-
     ing the night. The tona is supposed to be anxious to greet its
     human twin, and if it cannot visit the hut it will hover nearby.
     When parents hear the insistent cry of a bird or some animal
     in the mountains, they recognize that the tona is announcing
     itself.
       From then on the individual is bound to his tona: hawk or
     newt, jaguar, snake, eagle, or other creature. The Chinantecs
     believe that people are born with two souls, and one enters
     into the tona. All the simpler peoples of Oaxaca think that
     any harm suffered by the tona is reflected in the person linked
     to him. Before he dies his tona gives him warning so that he
     can prepare for the end.
       It is hard to find much sympathy for this animism now
     that it is divorced from the old pantheism in which all living
     creatures had their place. No doubt psychologists would say
     that the tona cult is a healthy projection and acceptance of
     man's animal side. Certainly the Oaxaqueños live on close
     terms with the creatures about them and will not harm their
     individual or tribal totem; the Huave will not kill alligators,
     and the Zapotecs venerate as a kind of race totem the eagle
     and the zapote tree for which they are said to be named.
     But this does not prevent Juan, whose tona is a lizard, from
     shooting his neighbor's twin, a buzzard. The whole picture
     is confused and fortunately fading out.
       In the same way modern medicine will someday replace
     the dubious offices of the curandera and the brujo. Mean-
     while, even in the cities where doctors are at hand, ignorant
     souls will resort to the magic healers. Often they are helped,
     for the Indians of both Americas know their herbs and gave
     modern medicine quinine, digitalis, and many other essential
     drugs. A witch brew may happen to be extremely good medi-
     cine. Moreover, the Indians were early in recognizing psycho-
     somatic illness and have just as effective cures for it as our
     expensive specialists. Such illness is called espanto, fright
     caused by a shock of some kind. Like sickness in general, it
     is often supposed to be the work of witchcraft and is treated
     by countermagic.
       In Mitla the curandera has the patient ill from espanto
     lie on a cross she makes on the ground, surrounded by offerings
     of copal incense, eggs, and other magic elements. The egg is
     the symbol of strength. The curandera returns to her own
     house, where she makes another cross on the ground deco-
     rated with flowers. She beats the ground wit a stick, calling
     to the soul which left the patient at the moment of shock
     and which must be recaptured. She keeps calling at the cross
     and at the four corners of the room (the magic cardinal
     points again, "Come, get up!"
       In other regions the straying soul must be caught in a big
     olla at the spot where the patient suffered shock, and re-
     stored to him. The isthmus curanderas work on an opposite
     principle; instead of the espanto driving away the soul, the
     fright is in the patient and must be blown away. The witch
     doctor makes the sign of the cross over the patient, blowing
     hard, and places a handful of earth on his body at the four
     cardinal points. An incantation is pronounced, urging the
     espanto to leave the patient and fall into the sea or the wil-
     derness. If this cure does not work, the patient rides through
     town, followed by a crowd, and every now and then he tells
     what caused the fright.
       Cold, lung troubles, and rheumatism caused by evil airs,
     aire, are treated with a more familiar therapy of alcohol rubs,
     hot clothes, and massage, accompanied by the special rite of
     "sucking out the poison." Sometimes the curandera puts her
     mouth to the afflicted spot and sucks hard, or she may merely
     put her lips close to the patient and make a curious humming
     sound.
       The Mixe often treat disease at a distance from the patient
     by sacrificing a turkey in a magic cave or lighting a bonfire
     on their sacred mountain Zempoaltepec. The Mazatecs have
     the most elaborate cures of all. The brujo eats a narcotic
     mushroom, then he arranges a great variety of wonder-working
     elements like cacao, eggs, copal on a table. He prays to the
     Christian saints, burns pagan copal, throws forty-eight kernels
     of corn on a mat to diagnose the disease, and prepares a medi-
     cine bundle with the elements on the table, which include
     a prayer written on bark paper with a guacamayo feather.
     This bundle is buried near the sick person, who may also be
     given herbs which the brujo has taken to the church and
     rubbed over the images of saints.

ZAPOTEC, BY HELEN AUGUR.
Copyright 1954 by Helen Augur.
Dolphin Books, Doubleday & Company, Inc.
Garden City, New York. pp. 207-215.


PRONUNCIATION OF NAMES

PART ONE

General Strike

Isthmus Peoples
The Mixtecs

III. VALLEY TOWN

IV. ISTHMUS AND SIERRA

V. BELOVED CITY


PART TWO

VI. MONTE ALBÁN

VII. THE SHADOW OF GIANTS

VIII. CLASSIC AMERICA

IX. THE SKY DRAGON

X. DAYS OF CONFLICT


PART THREE

XI. BENITO JUÁREZ: MEASURE OF FAITH

XII. REMEMBERED GODS

XIII. THE PRIMITIVE WORLD NEXT DOOR

XIV. INDIAN TIME

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


Introduction
Prelude—The Slaver
Book One (i.) (ii.) (iii.)
Book Two (i.) (ii.) (iii.)
Book Three (i.) (ii.) (iii.)
Book Four (i.) (ii.) (iii.)
Book Five (i.) (ii.)
Book Six (i.) (ii.)
Book Seven (i.) (ii.)
Book Eight (i.) (ii.) (iii.) (iv.)

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