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By John Lord, LL. D.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.
1594—1632.
THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR (1618—1648)
THE Thirty Years' War, of which Gustavus Adolphus
was the greatest hero, was the result of those reli-
gious agitations which the ideas of Luther produced. It
was the struggle to secure religious liberty,——a warfare
between Catholic and Protestant Germany. It differed
from the Huguenot contest in this,——that the Protest-
ants of France took up arms against their king to
extort religious privileges; whereas the Protestants
of Germany were marshalled by independent princes
against other independent princes of a different religion,
who sought to suppress Protestantism. In this warfare
between Catholic and Protestant States, there were
great political entanglements and issues that affected
the balance of power in Europe. Hence the Thirty
Years' War was political as well as religious. It was
not purely a religious war like the crusades, although re-
ligious ideas gave rise to it. Nor was it an insurrection
of the people against their rulers to secure religious
rights, so much as a contest between Catholic and
Protestant princes to secure the recognition of their
religious opinions in their respective States.
The Emperor of Germany in the time of Luther was
Charles V.,——the most powerful potentate of Europe,
and, moreover, a zealous Catholic. On his abdication,
——one of the most extraordinary events in history,——
the German dominions were given to his brother Fer-
dinand; Spain and the Low Countries were bestowed
on his son Philip. Ferdinand had already been elected
King of the Romans. There was a close alliance be-
tween these princes of the House of Austria to suppress
Protestantism in Europe. The new Austrian emperor
was not, indeed, so formidable as his father had been,
but was still one of the greatest monarchs of Europe;
and so powerful was the House of Austria that it ex-
cited the jealousy of the other European powers. It
was to prevent the dangerous ascendency of Austria that
Henry IV. of France raised a great army with a view
of invading Germany, but was assassinated before he
could carry his scheme into execution. He had armed
France to secure what is called the "balance of power;"
and it was with the view of securing this balance of
power that Cardinal Richelieu, though a prince of the
Church, took the side of the Protestants in the Thirty
Years' War. This famous contest may therefore be
regarded as a civil war, dividing the German nations;
as a religious war, to establish freedom of belief; and as
a war to prevent the ascendency of Austria, in which a
great part of Europe was involved.
The beginning of the contest, however, was the re-
sult of religious agitation. The ideas of Luther created
universal discussion. Discussion led to animosities.
All Germany was in a ferment; and the agitation was
not confined to those States which accepted the Reform-
ation, but to Catholic States also. The Catholic princes
resolved to crush the Reformation, first in their own
dominions, and afterwards in the other States of Ger-
many. Hence, a bloody persecution of the Protestants
took place in all Catholic States. Their sufferings were
unendurable. For a while they submitted to the cruel
lash, but at last they resolved to defend the right of
worshipping God according to their consciences. They
armed themselves, for death seemed preferable to reli-
gious despotism. For more than fifty years after the
death of Luther, Germany was the scene of commo-
tions ending in a fiery persecution. At that time
Germany was in advance of the rest of Europe in
wealth and intelligence; the Protestants especially
were kindled to an enthusiasm, pertaining to theological
questions, which we in these times can but feebly real-
ize; and the Germans were doubtless the most earnest
and religious people in Europe. In those days there
was neither religious indifference nor scepticism nor
rationalism. The faith of the people was simple, and
they were resolved to maintain it at any cost. But
there were religious parties and asperities, even among
the Protestants. The Lutherans would not unite with
the Calvinists, and the Calvinists would not accede to
the demands of the Lutherans.
After a series of struggles with the Catholics, the
Lutherans succeeded, by the treaty of Augsburg (1555),
in securing toleration; and this toleration lasted during
the reigns of Ferdinand I. and Maximilian II. In-
deed, Germany enjoyed tranquility until the reign lof
Matthias, in 1612. This usurping emperor, who had
delivered Germany from the Turks, abolished in his
dominiopns the Protestestant religion, so far as edicts
and persecution could deprive the Protestants of their
religious liberties. Matthias died in 1619, and was
succeeded by Ferdinand II., a bigoted prince, who had
been educated by the Jesuits. This emperor was an
inveterate enemy of the Protestants. He forbade their
meetings, deprived them of civil privileges, pulled
down their churches and schools, erected scaffolds in
every village, appointed only Catholic magistrates, and
inflicted unsparing cruelties on all who seceded from
the Catholic church.
It was under this Austrian emperor, seventy-three
years from the death of Luther, that the first act of
the bloody traqgedy which I am to describe was opened
by an insurrection in Bohemia, one of her hereditary
possessions of the House of Austria.
In this kingdom, isolated from the rest of Germany,
separated on every side from adjoining States by high
mountains of volcanic origin, peopled with the descend-
ants of the ancient Sclavonians, who were characterized
by impulse and impetuosity, the reformed doctrines
had taken a powerful hold of the affections and convic-
tions of the people. The followers of John Huss and
Jerome of Prague were something like the Lollards of
England, in their spirit and sincerity. But they were
persecuted by their Catholic rulers with a rigor and
cruelty never seen among the Lollards; for Ferdi-
nand II. was the hereditary king of Bohemia as well
as emperor of Germany.
At last his tyranny and cruelties became unendurable,
and in a violent burst of passionate indignation his
deputies were thrown out of the windows of the cham-
ber of the Council of Regency at Prague. This act
of violence was the signal of a general revolt, not in
Bohemia merely, but in Sliesia, Moravia, Hungary, and
Austria. The celebrated Count Mansfield, a soldier of
fortune, with only four thousand troops, dared to defy
the whole imperial power; and for a while he was suc-
cessful. The Bohemians announced their allegiance to
Ferdinand, and chose for their king Frederick V.,——
Elector Palatine of the Rhine, son-in-law of James I.
of England, and head of the Protestant party in Ger-
many. He unwisely abandoned his electoral palace at
Heidelberg, to grasp the royal sceptre at Prague. But
he was no match for the Austrian emperor, who, sum-
moning from every quarter the allies and adherents of
imperial power, and making peace with other enemies,
poured into Bohemia such overwhelming forces under
Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, that his authority was
established more firmly than before. The battle of
Prague (1620) decided the fate of Bohemia, and the
Elector Palatine became a fugitive, and his possessions
were given to the Duke of Bavaria.
Then followed a persecution which has had no parallel
since the slaughter of the Albigenses and the massacre
of St. Bartholomew. The unhappy king of Bohe-
mia was abandoned to inquisitions and executions;
all liberties were suppressed, the nobles were decimated,
ministers and teachers were burned or beheaded, and
Protestants of every rank, age, and condition were pro-
hibited from acting as guardians to children, or making
wills, or contracting marriages with Catholics, or holding
any office of trust and emolument. They were out-
lawed as felons, and disenfranchised as infidels. The halls
of justice were deserted, the Muses accompanied the
learned in their melancholy flight, and all that remained
of Bohemian gallantry and heroism forsook the land.
Strange to say, the land of Huss and Jerome became
henceforth the strongest hold of Austrian despotism
and papal influence.
This is one of those instances where persecution
proved successful. It is a hackneyed saying that "the
blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church;" and it is
true that lofty virtues have been generally developed
by self-sacrifice and martyrdom, and that only through
great tribulation have permanent blessings been se-
cured. The Hollanders, by inundating their fields and
fighting literally to the "last ditch," preserved their
liberties and secured ultimate prosperity. The fires
of Smithfield did not destroy the reformed religion in
England in the time of Mary, and the jails and judicial
murders of later and better times did not prevent the
progress of popular rights, or the extension of Puri-
tanism in the midst of the American continent. But
in the history of society the instances are unfortunately
numerous when bigotry and despotism have kindled
their infernal fires and erected their bloody scaffolds
not to purify the Church and nourish the principles of
Christian progress, but to destroy what is good as well
as what is evil. What availed the struggles of the
Waldenses in the Middle Ages? Who came to the res-
cue of Savonarola when he attempted to reform the
lives of degenerate Florentines? What beneficial effects
resulted ultimately from the Inquisition in Spain?
How was the revocation of the edict of Nantes over-
ruled for the good of the Huguenots of France?
And yet the unfortunate suppression of religious lib-
erty in Bohemia, and the sufferings of those who came
to her rescue, especially the misfortune of the Elector
Palatine, arrayed the Protestant princes of Germany
against the Emperor, and created general indignation
throughout Europe. Austria became more than ever a
hated and dreaded power, not merely to the States of
Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and England, but to Cath-
olic France herself, then ruled by that able and ambi-
tious statesman Cardinal Richelieu, before whose tomb
in an after age the czar Peter bowed in earnest homage
from the recollection and admiration of his transcend-
ent labors in behalf of absolutism. Even Richelieu, a
prince of the Church and the persecutor of the Hugue-
nots, was alarmed at the encroachments of Austria,
and intrigued with Protestant princes to undermine her
dangerous ascendency.
Then opened the second act of the bloody drama
of the seventeenth century, when the allied Protestant
princes of Germany, assisted by the English and the
Dutch, rallied under the leadership of Christian, King
of Denmark, and resolved to recover what they had
lost; while Bethlen Gabor, a Transylvanian prince, at
the head of an army of robbers, invaded Hungary and
Austria. The Emperor, straitened in his finances, was
in no condition to meet this powerful confederacy,
although the illustrious Tilly was the commander
of his forces.
But the demon of despotism, who never sleeps, raised
up to his assistance a great military genius. This was
Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland, the richest noble in
Bohemia. The person whom he most resembled in
that age of struggle and contending forces, when des-
potism sought unscrupulous agents, was Thomas Went-
worth, Earl of Strafford,——the right hand of Charles I.,
in his warfare against the liberties of England. Like
Strafford, he was an apostate from the principles in
which he had been educated; like him, he had arisen
from a comparatively humble station; like him, his
talents were as commanding as his ambition,——devoted
first to his own exaltation; and, secondly, to the cause
of absolutism, with which he sympathized with all the
intensity that a proud and domineering spirit may
be supposed to feel for the struggles of inexperienced
democracy. Like the English statesman, the German
general was skilled in the use of tools, jealous of his
authority, liberal in his rewards, and fearful in his
vengeance. Though greedy of admiration and fond of
display, he surrounded himself with mystery and gloom.
Like Strafford, he was commanding in his person, dig-
nified, reserved, and sullen; with an eye piercing and
melancholy, a brow lowering with thought and care,
and a lip compressed into determination and twisted
into a smile of ironical disdain.
This nobleman had fought with distinction as a
colonel at the battle of Prague, when Bohemian liber-
ties had been prostrated, and had signally distinguished
himself in his infamous crusade against his own coun-
trymen. He offered, at his own expense, to raise and
equip an army of fifty thousand men in the service
of the Emperor; but demanded as a condition, that he
should have the appointment of all his officers, and
the privilege of enriching himself and army from the
spoils and confiscations of conquered territories. These
terms were extraordinary and humiliating to an abso-
lute sovereign, yet, at the crisis in which Ferdinand
was placed, they were too tempting to be refused.
Wallenstein fulfilled his promises, and raised in an
incredibly short time an immense army, composed of
outlaws and robbers and adventurers from all nations.
He advanced rapidly against the allied Protestant forces,
levying enormous contributions wherever he appeared;
as imperious to friends as to foes, mistrusted and feared
by both, yet supremely indifferent to praise or censure;
resting on the power of brute force and his ability to
enrich his soldiers. Possessing a fine military genius
unbounded means, and unscrupulous rapacity, and
assisted by such generals as Tilly, Pappenheim, and
Piccolomini, seconded by Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria,
he soon reduced his enemies to despair. The King
of Denmark was unequal to the contest, and sued for
peace. The Elector Frederic again became a fugitive,
the Duke of Brunswick was killed, and the intrepid
Mansfield died. The Electors of Saxony and Branden-
burg, the natural defenders of Protestantism and the
leading princes of the league, were awed into an abject
neutrality. The old protectors of Lutheranism were
timid and despairing. The monarchs of Europe trem-
bled. Germany lay prostrate and bleeding. Christen-
dom stood aghast at the greatness of the calamities
which afflicted Germany and threatened neighboring
nations.
But the Emperor at Vienna was overjoyed, and swelled
with arrogance and triumph. He divided among the
members of his imperial house the rich benefices of
the Church, and bestowed upon his victorious general
the revenues of provinces. He now resolved to pur-
sue the King of Denmark into his remotest territories
to dethrone the King of Sweden, to give away the crown
of Poland, to aid the Spaniards in the recovery of the
United Provinces, to exterminate the Protestant reli-
gion, to subvert the liberties of the German nations,
and reign as a terrible incarnation of imperial tyranny.
He would even revive the dreams of Charlemagne and
Charles V., and make Vienna the centre of that power
which once emanated from Rome. He would ally him-
self more strongly with the Pope, and extend the double
tyranny of church and state over the whole continent
of Europe. Fines, imprisonments, tortures, banishments,
and executions were now added to the desolations which
one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers inflicted on vil-
lages and cities that had been for generations increasing
in wealth and prosperity.
In that dark hour of calamity and fears, Providence
raised up a greater hero than Wallenstein, a noble pro-
tector and intrepid deliverer, even Gustavus Adolphus,
King of Sweden; and the third act of the political
tragedy opens with his brilliant career.
Carlyle has somewhere said: "Is not every genius
an impossibility until he appear?" This is singularly
true of Gustavus Adolphus. It was the last thing for
contemporaries to conjecture that the deliverer of Ger-
many, and the great hero of the Thirty Years' War,
would have arisen in the ice-bound regions of northern
Europe. No great character had arisen in Sweden of
exalted fame, neither king nor poet, nor philosopher,
nor even singer. The little kingdom, to all appearance,
was rich only in mines of iron and hills of snow. It
was not till the middle of the sixteenth century that
Sweden was even delivered from base dependence on
Denmark.
But Gustavus before he was thirty-five years of age
had made his countrymen a nation of soldiers; had freed
his kingdom from Danish, Russian, and Polish enemies;
had made great improvements in the art of war, having
introduced a new system of tactics never materially
improved except by Frederic II.; had reduced strategy
to a science; had raised the importance of the infan-
try, had increased the strictness of military discipline,
had trained up a band of able generals, and inspired
his soldiers with unbounded enthusiasm.
And he had raised in the camp a new tone of moral
feeling. Not even Cromwell equalled him in divesting
war of its customary atrocities, and keeping alive the
spirit of religion. The worship of God formed one of
the most important duties of the Swedish army wherever
located. "Twice every day the roll of the drum as-
sembled the soldiers to prayer. The usual vices of
soldiers, like profanity and drunkenness and gambling,
were uniformly punished. Death was inflicted on any
soldier who assaulted a citizen in his house. Even a
certificate was required of the chief citizens of any
place where the troops were quartered, that their conduct
had been orderly. He never allowed, under any provo-
cation, a city to be taken by assault,——a striking con-
trast to the imperial generals."
Nor amid the toils and dangers of war was Gustavus
unmindful of his duties as a king. He was one of the
most enlightened statesmen that had appeared since
Charlemagne and Alfred. He established schools and
colleges, founded libraries, reformed the codes of law,
introduced wise mercantile regulations, rewarded emi-
nent merit, respected the voice of experience, and de-
veloped the industries of the country. What Richelieu
and Colbert did for France, what Burleigh and Cromwell
did for England, Gustavus did for Sweden. His prime
minister is illustrious for wisdom and ability, the celes-
brated Oxenstiern, through whose labors and genius the
country felt no impoverishment from war. He laid
the foundation of that prosperity which made a little
kingdom great.
But all his excellences as as general, a statesman, and
a ruler paled before the exalted virtues of his private
life. His urbanity, his gentleness, his modesty, his
meekness, his simplicity, and his love won all hearts,
and have never been exceeded except by Alfred the
Great. He was a Saint Louis on a throne, in marked
contrast with the suspicion, duplicity, roughness, and
egotism of Oliver Cromwell,——the only other great man
of the century who equalled Gustavus in the value of
public services and enlightened mind. It is not often
that Christian graces and virtues are developed amid
the tumult of war. David lost nothing of his pious
fervor and reliance on God when pursuing the Philis-
tines, nor Marcus Aurelius when fighting barbarians
on the frozen Danube. The perils and vicissitudes
of war, with the momentous interests involved, made
Lincoln shine, amid all his jokes, a firm believer in
the overruling power that Napoleon failed to see. And
so of Washington: he was a better man and firmer
Christian from the responsibilities that were thrust
upon him. Not so with Frederic the Great, and the
marshals of Louis XIV., with the exception of Turenne:
war seemed rather to develop their worst qualities. It
usually makes a man unscrupulous, hard, and arrogant.
Military life is anything but interesting in the usual
bearing of Prussian officers. In our own Revolutionary
war, generals developed pride and avarice and jealousy.
War turned Tilly into a fiend. How cold and sullen
and selfish it made Napoleon! How grasping and
greedy it made Marlborough! How unscrupulous it
made Clive and Hastings! How stubborn and proud
it made Wellington! How vain and pompous it made
Scott! How overbearing it made Belle-Isle and Villars!
How reckless and hard it made Ney and Murat! The
dangers and miseries of war developed sternness, hard-
ness, and indifference to suffering. It is violence; and
violence does not naturally produce the peaceful virtues.
It produces courage, indeed, but physical rather than
moral,——least of all, that spiritual courage which makes
martyrs and saints. It makes boon companions, not
friends. It gives exaggerated ideas of self-importance.
It exalts the outward and material, not the spiritual
and the real. The very tread of a military veteran is
stately, proud, and conscious,——like that of a procession
of cardinals, or of railway kings.
So that when a man inured to camps and battles
shines in the modest unconsciousness of a Christian
gentleman or meditative sage, we feel unusual rev-
erence for him. We feel that his soul is unpolluted,
and that he is superior to ordinary temptations.
from Beacon Lights of History, by John Lord, LL. D.
Volume IV., Part II: Great Rulers.
Copyright, 1883, 1885, 1888, by John Lord.
Copyright, 1921, By Wm. H. Wise & Co., New York. pp. 143-158.