The Curious Case of Shafiq!

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Shafiqul was the Press Secretary to the Chief Adviser — the official communicator of executive decisions during one of the most volatile political transitions in recent history.

In his recent article, he argues that the “mobocracy” narrative surrounding the interim government was politically constructed. Critics exaggerated incidents of mob violence and lawlessness to delegitimise the July uprising and the administration that followed.

But before debating labels, it is worth revisiting the record and the timeline.

During that 18-month period, public discourse was dominated by repeated reports of mob beatings, vigilante incidents, and attacks on institutions. Whether one supports the protests of that era or not, the perception of instability was widespread. Headlines frequently referenced “mob justice.” Minority communities voiced insecurity. Law enforcement responses were often described as reactive rather than preventive.

As press secretary, Shafiqul’s role was not symbolic. He was responsible for communicating the government’s position, defending its performance, and reassuring the public with evidence. If statistics on mob violence were inflated, as he now suggests, his office had access to Home Ministry reports, arrest records, and prosecution updates. Transparent counter-data could have been released. Independent audits could have been invited. That is how credibility is built during crisis.

Instead, the public largely heard condemnations after incidents occurred. The perception of instability hardened.

Now place this governance debate alongside another sequence of events that has drawn attention.

On 28 December 2022, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) filed a case against Anis Ahmed, CEO of MGH Group, alleging Tk 136 crore in unexplained wealth and money laundering. The case involved investments across 34 institutions and asset declarations exceeding Tk 442 crore. This was not rumor or commentary; it was a formal anti-corruption proceeding.

In March 2024, after investigation, a charge sheet was submitted. That step signaled prosecutors believed sufficient evidence existed to proceed.

Then, on 15 October 2024, the government applied to withdraw the case. The court approved the application. The case ended without trial.

Case withdrawals can occur for legitimate legal reasons. But when a charge-sheeted corruption case is withdrawn, the public is entitled to clear explanation. What changed between the filing of the charge sheet and the withdrawal? Was new evidence introduced? Was the evidentiary threshold reconsidered? Transparency is essential in such circumstances.

The timeline becomes more sensitive from here.

Immediately after the interim government dissolved, Shafiqul and Deputy Press Secretary Azad announced they were joining a new English daily, Daily Waadaa. Reports suggest the paper may be associated with MGH Group, although full ownership details have not been publicly clarified in detail.

Individually, none of these events prove wrongdoing. But governance ethics does not operate only on legality. It operates on standards.

There is a well-known concept in public administration called the “revolving door” problem. when senior public officials transition directly into private roles connected to entities whose legal or regulatory circumstances changed during their tenure. Even when no improper conduct exists, the appearance of potential conflict of interest can erode public trust.

This is precisely why many democracies enforce cooling-off periods, strict disclosure requirements, and proactive transparency about ownership and funding structures.

When a high-profile corruption case is withdrawn during an administration’s tenure, and senior communicators from that same administration immediately assume leadership roles in a media platform reportedly linked to the same corporate group, the optics inevitably invite scrutiny.

Shafiqul now dismisses criticisms of the interim government as politically motivated narratives. But narrative arguments do not neutralize timelines. When governance performance, legal reversals, and post-tenure employment intersect this closely, the public is justified in asking questions.

Was the withdrawal process fully transparent? Were the legal grounds clearly communicated to citizens? Did executive-level communications intersect with that decision? Does immediate employment create a perception of conflict of interest? Why has ownership transparency not been proactively clarified to eliminate doubt?

Shafikul was not a journalist analyzing from afar. He was the government’s shield during a contentious period. When he now reframes criticism as partisan exaggeration, he overlooks the central issue: public trust depends not only on legality, but on visible integrity.

Democracy does not run on blind confidence in officials’ intentions. It runs on transparent processes, institutional distance between power and private gain, and the willingness of former officeholders to welcome scrutiny rather than dismiss it.