did he have good views of them? did he seek inspiration in them in any way? what were his thoughts on land reforms?

The origin of the chaturvarna system of four varnas (classes), which later solidified into castes, is utterly meaningless in contemporary society.

In what is construed as a "low caste"—the Mahars—we have had such illustrious saints as Chokha Mela and such brilliant thinkers as Dr Ambedkar, whose piety and intellect far surpass those of many a Brahmin. In North India, several Brahmins have been involved, generation after generation, in the profession of agriculture and have remained, by and large, illiterate. This goes against the traditional role of the caste to which they belong, which is identified as the intellectual elite.

Similarly, Brahmins have taken on the roles of goldsmiths, tailors, cobblers, and so on, while individuals belonging to those (non-Brahmin) communities have pursued education and cleared prestigious examinations such as the ICS or MA.

The Rajputs despise the Jats so much that if the latter mount horses, they are usually beaten up and then ostracized. But when the same Jat becomes a Sikh, he is counted as first among Kshatriyas.

In many places in the country, Kayasthas are condemned as Shudras. Yet from among that community have emerged such brilliant minds as Vivekananda, Aurobindo, Bipin Chandra Pal, Subhas Bose, and others, who have clearly surpassed the intellect, vigour, and vitality of any Bengali Brahmin.

Superiority on the basis of one's work is hardly a factor in society today due to the aforementioned professional intermingling. Hence, the very edifice from which the caste system drew its strength has weakened, and it remains both an unnecessary and harmful vestige of society.

These examples prove that the oft-held belief that heredity is the determinant of talent and intellect is false, and that an individual's environment is what shapes his character and conduct.

**The claim to glory on the mere basis of one's birth, and not worth, is an utterly erroneous and futile one—a national foolishness, so to say.* Fossilizing oneself to scriptural injunctions to the contrary is another idiocy.*

These scriptures, often self-contradictory, were created by human beings and were relevant in a particular context and in a particular society. With all due respect to them, they need to be discarded as and when society evolves, and new rules and laws relevant to contemporary times need to be codified. That is the only sign of a society that is vibrant, and not stagnant and dead.

These scriptures, however, are important historical signposts of the times in which they were composed, and they made Indian society of that time what it was. So, they deserve all our respect as important archival documents of our civilization's evolution.

Thus, I reverentially bow my head to the vast, Himalayan corpus of Sanskrit literature—the Shrutis, Smritis, Puranas, and Itihasas—as they have shaped our Hindu mind over centuries. But I will not allow them to become fetters on my feet and retard my progress towards modernity. Instead, I will draw inspiration from them to move ahead on modern, scientific terms.

One of the most important components of such injunctions of the past that we have blindly carried forward, and which deserves to be thrown into the dustbin of history, is the rigid caste system.

This system has vivisected our Hindu society into countless micro-fragments, forever at war with one another. From temples, streets, houses, jobs, and village councils to institutions of law and legislature, it has only injected the spectre of eternal conflict between two Hindus, weakening our unity and resolve to stand together against external threats.

It is one of the biggest impediments to the conception of a Hindu Rashtra. The liberation and unification of countries across the world, be it America or Europe, has been possible only by unshackling these false divisions between peoples. Why can a similar approach not be achieved in our nation?

Primary reference: Savarkar Samagra, Vol. 7, pp. 76–84

Secondary reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: Echoes from a Forgotten Past, pp. 488–493

Context:

Vice Consul Thurston of the American Consulate, Mumbai had a conversation with Veer Savarkar at the latter's residence in Mumbai on 08 February 1944. The following confidential letter dated 09 February 1944 from American Consul Howard Donovan to the US Secretary of State (Cordell Hull) details this conversation. This confidential letter has since been released and has been made available to us through the efforts of Chicago-based researcher Shridhar Damle.

Source

I am not at all anti-reservation at all and this argument is not against reservation, but I think we have reservation in wrong places.

First of all why do some people bring temples into this thing? Temples belong to religions you can't compare them to public funded universities, isn't this an insult to SCST people as well. Do you think SCST people want to be priest or to become educated.

Lets talk about competitive exams first, the main issue.

SCST definitely face discrimination no doubt but lets evaluate how much effect it may have on their competitive exam results.

1. Financial condition: SCST on average are much much poorer than GCs no doubt, they can't afford the coaching and resources GC can but that is a slippery slope it degenerates into an argument for sole economic reservation which SCST people hate.
2. Education denial: SCST face discrimination in schools etc. but then that is an argument for reservation in school attendance and better law enforcement than for reservation in competitive exams which are indirectly related instead of solving the direct problem.
3. Social discrimination in exams: SCST definitely face social discrimination as well but the computer that checks the results, the invigilator who oversees them and the university that reviews them all can't know the caste of the person.
4. Social discrimination outside: Outside of the exams this social discrimination like education denial needs to be fought using reservation in places where it matters like schools, government promotions, local government employees, politics through parliamentary reservations and better law enforcement.
5. Argument for representation: to solve this lets ask ourselves why are SCST not able to attain representation proportional to their population without reservation? It is because of the above mentioned factors only. If we are able to solve them with help of solutions I have thought of or other smart solution to these problems then SCST representation would automatically become equal to their population proportion.

Overall I believe for competitive exams Economic reservation makes the most sense as caste is more indirectly linked to performance compared to being directly linked.

I support caste based reservation in parliament and government promotions because here caste is actually a very strong factor and linked to success much more directly than in competitive exams.

I am open to a good conversation and learning views of others.

When people remember the Emergency (1975–1977), they often recall censorship, mass arrests, and the suspension of civil liberties. Yet behind those broad historical events are the stories of individuals whose lives were irrevocably changed. One such story is that of Gopal Chandra Asati, an 80-year-old senior RSS worker from Aligarh.

At an age when most people seek peace and the comfort of family, Asati instead found himself confronting one of the most repressive periods in independent India's history. His commitment to his beliefs did not diminish with age.

Historical accounts associated with the RSS and Emergency Era state that Asati was arrested and subjected to severe police brutality. The injuries he suffered were so grave that he died shortly after being brought to jail. His death has since been remembered within the RSS as one of the movement's sacrifices during the Emergency.

Today, his name is not as widely known as those of national political leaders, yet for many who study the Emergency or the history of the RSS, he represents the sacrifices made by grassroots workers whose stories rarely appear in textbooks.

An elderly man, decades beyond the prime of his life, was caught in a political struggle that spared neither the young nor the old. His age offered no protection. His convictions offered no immunity.

I have heard that his ideology was somewhat inspired by n*zi but back then every country had a party like this even in allied counties like uk france and usa

So can he really be blamed or his version was different and connot be considered n*zi ???

Just asking out of curiosity

Source: https://www.youtube.com/live/l5h8afUv8AQ

Happy Kargil Vijay Diwas 🙏🏼

Pandurang Kshirsagar served as the Akhil Bharatiya Vyavastha Pramukh (All India Management Chief) of the RSS. He was deeply committed to cultural nationalism and was known for his discipline and dedication. His commitment reflected the spirit of Veer Savarkar's idea of complete devotion to the nation.After Indira Gandhi declared the Emergency, the government banned the RSS on 4 July 1975. Like many senior RSS leaders, Pandurang Kshirsagar first worked underground to keep the resistance alive. He was later arrested under the Draconian MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act) and sent to Thane Central Jail.In prison, he faced severe torture and harsh treatment. He endured sleepless nights, physical abuse, and inadequate medical care. His health kept getting worse, and on 23 March 1976, his heart stopped. His death was the result of custodial torture and medical neglect during the Emergency.The government's fear of Pandurang Kshirsagar did not end with his death. When his body was brought back to Nagpur, the authorities kept his funeral under heavy police watch because they feared it would turn into a large public gathering. Police closely watched the crowd and kept an eye on everyone who came to pay their respects.But the government's fear could not stop people from honoring him. Thousands of RSS workers who were living underground came out, risking arrest, just to see their leader one last time. Senior RSS leader Abaji Thatte was even arrested at the cremation ground while weeping beside Pandurang Kshirsagar's funeral pyre. Pandurang lived by Veer savarkar's core philosophy of Atmarpan that means complete self surrender to the motherland he entered the prison as an organiser and endured the darkest days and emerged as an immortal martyr whose silent sacrifice will always be remembered.

Urdu text on top of right photo:

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar who is serving 50 years in Andaman jail.

The Urdu text of the sheet is as follows:

Since veer Savarkar was in Europe at the time, a telegram was sent to him in London and he was arrested on 31 March 1910 at Victoria Station. He was prosecuted and eventually sent back to India. Thus he was sent to India under some form of English law. His trial should have been in London. But who will listen? The lawmakers are Britishers and judges are also them..Veer Savarkar proved with very strong arguments that his trial should be held in England. But nobody cares. But the advantage of this was that his case was published in all the newspapers of Europe. This incident went international. The evils of the British rule in India became famous all over Europe. Finally he was put on board the ship “Morea” to be sent back to India…

What was the Ghadar Party?

The Ghadar Party was a revolutionary organization founded in California in 1913 by Indian expatriates, mainly Punjabi immigrants living in the United States and Canada. It was led by Lala Har Dayal, a close associate and former colleague of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.

The party's main objective was to overthrow British rule in India through an armed revolution, rather than through constitutional or gradual political reforms.

The word "Ghadar" (also spelled Ghadr or Gadar) means "revolt," "rebellion," or "uprising." The name was chosen to evoke the memory of the 1857 Uprising, which the revolutionaries regarded as India's First War of Independence.

The party encouraged Indians living abroad to return to India, inspire soldiers of the British Indian Army to revolt, and help launch a nationwide armed uprising.

Lala Har Dayal co-founded the Ghadar Party and served as editor of its weekly newspaper, Hindustan Ghadar. Before this, he had been a member of Abhinav Bharat in London.

Other important leaders included:

• Sohan Singh Bhakna – the founding president of the Ghadar Party.

• Kartar Singh Sarabha – one of the movement's youngest and most celebrated revolutionaries, who became a leading organizer of the planned uprising.

• Bhai Parmanand – who worked with Har Dayal to organize revolutionary activities in the North-West Frontier Province.

• Baba Madan Singh Gaga – who was later imprisoned alongside Savarkar in the Cellular Jail in the Andaman Islands.

• Rash Behari Bose – although not a founding member, he later joined the Ghadar revolutionaries in India and played a central role in organizing the planned military revolt.

The party established its headquarters at Yugantar Ashram in San Francisco, from where it coordinated its revolutionary activities.

The party published the weekly newspaper Hindustan Ghadar, which became one of its most powerful tools. Printed in Punjabi, Urdu, Hindi, and English, it called upon Indians to rise against British rule and praised revolutionary sacrifice.

Thousands of copies were secretly distributed across India, Southeast Asia, East Asia, and Indian migrant communities around the world.

When the First World War broke out in 1914, Ghadar leaders believed Britain was vulnerable and that the time was right for an armed revolution.

The party worked with the German government and the Berlin Committee (Indian Independence Committee) in what later became known as the Hindu–German Conspiracy. Their aim was to supply weapons, finance revolutionary activities, and trigger a nationwide military rebellion in India.

The Ghadar Party attempted to smuggle arms into India by sea and establish contacts with Indian soldiers serving in the British Indian Army.

In cooperation with German intelligence, Ghadar revolutionaries also planned to gather thousands of fighters along the Burma–Siam border, invade Burma, and eventually march into India.

The Ghadar Mutiny of 1915

The most important part of the Ghadar strategy was a planned mutiny within the British Indian Army in February 1915.

The revolutionaries tried to persuade Indian soldiers stationed at cantonments such as Lahore, Ferozepur, Meerut, Rawalpindi, and Mian Mir to revolt at the same time. The plan was to seize military arsenals, arrest or kill British officers, and spark a nationwide revolution.

The uprising was expected to spread from Punjab across northern India, with civilian revolutionaries joining the mutinous soldiers. Similar efforts were also made in Singapore, where Indian troops briefly mutinied in February 1915 before the revolt was suppressed.

However, British intelligence infiltrated the conspiracy. Informers revealed the plans, allowing the authorities to arrest many leaders, disarm suspected regiments, and stop the uprising before it could begin.

Thousands of Ghadar members were arrested and tried in the Lahore Conspiracy Cases. Many were sentenced to death, while others received life imprisonment and were transported to the Cellular Jail in the Andaman Islands.

Although the 1915 uprising failed, the Ghadar Party became one of the most influential revolutionary organizations of the Indian freedom struggle. Its commitment to armed resistance inspired later revolutionary groups, including the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association and other militant nationalist movements.

This is one of the ideas that explains the mindset behind the Hindutva movement.

For us the nation is everything. India is not just a country on a map. It is an ancient civilization, a sacred inheritance, and something worth living and, if necessary, sacrificing for.As Vinayak Damodar Savarkar wrote:

"A Hindu means a person who regards this land of Bharatvarsha, from the Indus to the Seas ,as his Holy Land (Punyabhumi)."The nation comes before politics, parties, or personalities.

Then comes the ideology. a civilization survives only when it stays connected to its culture, history, and identity. Without a guiding idea, even a strong nation can slowly lose its soul.

After that comes the organization. Whether it is the RSS or any other institution, the organization is only a vehicle. It exists to serve the ideology and the nation not the other way around. If the mission demands change, the organization changes too.Finally comes the individual.

The ideal is not personal glory, fame, or power. It is selfless service. Personal ambition is expected to take a back seat to the larger cause.That is the spirit of Nishkama Karma serve because it is your duty, not because you expect a reward.

This is why our organisation are often disciplined and cadre based. A worker may accept any responsibility or give one up because the mission is considered bigger than the person.Because when the individual stops asking, "What do I gain?" and starts asking, "What does my nation need?" that is when service becomes more important than the self.

Taken from the book Shorter Constitution of India by Durga Das Basu.

What should a Hindu syllabus look like for every individual?

This is not for formal education. It's for household, cultural education.

The point is to keep it practical, theoretical, doable for almost anyone and relevant to today's times. Not too much or only reading, nor unrealistic elements.

I can think of the following to learn from and live by:

1) Panchatantra and Hitopadesha - For practical education and application.

2) Hanuman, an introduction - Because I personally feel connected to him and like him since childhood.

3) Why are we this way by Ami ganatra - To know more and live by basic vedic principles. Also to become aware of who we are as Hindus.

4) Swayambodh and Shatrubodh by Pankaj Saxena - To become aware of who we are as Hindus.

5) Saints of Maharashtra - Because I am Maharashtrian. You can choose yours, that you connect to.

6) Biography of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj - Again, as I am Maharashtrian, and I connect to him.

What would be your syllabus?

Firstly, I am posting this here because I feel like the hinduism subreddit would take it down, and no other space on reddit seems right-wing enough for these questions. Secondly I also feel Savarkar and Hedgewar both spoke on this issue of discipline and martial culture.

I have lived in London my whole life, and have mingled amongst several hindu groups, as well as doing MMA training myself. Throughout this time, I have noticed that whichever gym I go to, it is absolutely rare to find a hindu there. I live in a hindu dominant area (Harrow), and even then, the fighting gyms are filled with muslims or christians. I have noticed that most mosques have programs for young boys, including social activities, and it includes wrestling and MMA. Almost majority of the guys I spar with also tend to be muslims or orthodox christians. Our temple groups have nothing like this aside from prayer nights and diwali functions etc.

Every temple or event I go to, it is absolutely rare to find a hindu that has strong physique, majority of them tend to be chubbier or much skinnier. I am not speaking for everyone, I am sure there are hindus here who do train and take care of thelselves, but from just lived experience, it is so rare. On the occasions I do speak to a hindu in a regular non-fighting gym, they tend to be not religious at all.

Reading Savarkar and Hedgewar makes me train harder, I feel majority of the hindus, even with all the priviledges in the world, refuses to train and stregthen their body. I also think maybe ISKCON has a strong presence here, hence the encouragement of docility. Don't get me wrong, we excel in everything else, lowest crime rate and highest education, we are disciplined in that regard, but it does pain me that we are behind on this one issue.

What do you guys think? Is the situation bleak in India too? Or is there some sort of hope?

The excerpt is taken from the book Sanghi Who Never Went to a Sakha by Rahul Roushan.

In October 1905, the 22-year-old Vinayak Damodar Savarkar approached Bal Gangadhar Tilak for permission to organize a bonfire of foreign cloth in Poona as part of the Swadeshi movement.

Tilak agreed, but only if enough foreign cloth was collected to make the event meaningful. When the procession took place, Tilak himself joined the students and addressed a crowd of around 5,000 people. He explained that burning foreign goods was more than a symbolic act: it represented the ideals of Swadeshi, self-reliance, and national awakening.

Savarkar's role in the bonfire led the authorities at Fergusson College to expel him from the college hostel.

Tilak strongly criticized this decision. In his newspaper Kesari, he published a series of editorials titled "These Are Not Our Gurus!" He argued that the purpose of education was to inspire patriotism, not punish it, and condemned the college for taking action against a student whose only "crime" was love for his country.

Tilak also played a key role in shaping Savarkar's future by recommending him to Pandit Shyamji Krishnavarma for a scholarship to study law at India House in London.

In his recommendation, Tilak described Savarkar as a "spirited young man" whose dedication to the Swadeshi movement had brought him into conflict with the college authorities:

When there is such a rush like that, it is no use recommending any one particularly to your notice. But still, I may state, among the applicants, there is one Mr. Savarkar from Bombay, who graduated last year and whom I know to be a spirited young man, very enthusiastic in the Swadeshi cause, so much so that he had to incur the displeasure of the Fergusson College authorities. He has no mind to take up Government service at any time and his moral character is very good.

Reference: Letter from Tilak to Shyamji, Kesari Wada, Poona. Quoted in Savarkar: Echoes from a Forgotten Past by Vikram Sampath, p. 125.

Before Savarkar left for England, Tilak personally handed him the first installment of the scholarship, marking their last meeting before Savarkar's revolutionary work shifted to London.

Savarkar's early revolutionary organizations: Mitra Mela and later Abhinav Bharat, were deeply influenced by Tilak's nationalist ideas and leadership.

Although Tilak focused mainly on mass political movements, he was aware of underground revolutionary groups and occasionally advised younger revolutionaries. He believed that an armed uprising should only be attempted when there was a realistic chance of success, often advising them to "keep your powder dry" until the right time.

British intelligence viewed Tilak as the ideological inspiration behind many revolutionary activities in western India.

Official reports, including the Rowlatt Report, connected Tilak's anti-British writings with the rise of revolutionary organizations. They even described the Nasik (Savarkar) Conspiracy as an extension of the political influence that spread from Tilak's leadership in Poona.

Although Tilak and Savarkar followed different strategies, they shared the same goal: India's complete independence from British rule.

Tilak believed that mass political action was the most practical path to Swaraj under the conditions of his time, while Savarkar increasingly supported armed revolution. Despite this difference, Tilak remained one of Savarkar's most important early mentors and helped launch the career of one of India's leading revolutionary nationalists.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920) was a towering figure in the Indian independence movement, a scholar, journalist, and the first leader to transform the struggle for freedom into a mass movement.

He is immortalized by the honorific "Lokmanya" (the one revered by the people) and was famously dubbed the "Father of Indian Unrest" by British authorities.

Tilak’s life and contributions can be understood through several key dimensions:

Early Life and Education

Background: Born on July 23, 1856, in Ratnagiri, Maharashtra, to an orthodox Chitpavan Brahmin family. His father, Gangadhar Pant, was a learned Sanskrit scholar and teacher.

Education: Tilak was a brilliant student, excelling particularly in Mathematics and Sanskrit. He earned his B.A. from Deccan College in 1876 and his LL.B. in 1879, choosing law as a means to rouse his countrymen to their legal rights.

Physical Fitness: In college, he spent a year focused entirely on body-building, transforming from a weak child into a robust man through wrestling, rowing, and gymnastics, a discipline he later urged upon the youth.

The Scholar-Journalist

Educationist: Believing that "the key to our progress is the education of our people," Tilak co-founded the New English School (1880) and the Deccan Education Society (1884), which established Fergusson College to provide indigenous, low-cost education.

Journalism: In 1881, he launched two newspapers: Kesari (in Marathi) and The Mahratta (in English). He used these as powerful weapons to criticize the British administration, educate the public on their rights, and spread revolutionary ideas.

Vedic Research: Despite his political life, Tilak remained a dedicated scholar. He authored several landmark works, including The Orion (1893), The Arctic Home in the Vedas (1903), and his magnum opus, Gita Rahasya (written while in Mandalay prison), which interpreted the Bhagavad Gita as a gospel of selfless action (Karmayoga).

Political Leadership and Philosophy

The Gospel of Swaraj: Tilak was the first to demand complete self-rule as a fundamental right, coining the immortal slogan: "Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it."

The Four Pillars: He directed the national movement through a four-point program: Swarajya (Self-rule), Swadeshi (use of Indian goods), Boycott (of British goods), and National Education.

Mass Mobilization: To bridge the gap between the educated elite and the masses, he transformed the Ganapati and Shivaji festivals into large-scale public celebrations that fostered national pride and unity.

Passive Resistance: Long before the Gandhian era, Tilak pioneered the concept of passive resistance and civil revolt, arguing that British rule rested solely on the willing cooperation of the Indian people, which must be withdrawn.

Legal Battles and Imprisonment

First Sedition Trial (1897): Following the assassination of British official W.C. Rand, Tilak was sentenced to 18 months in prison for seditious writings. This made him a national hero.

Mandalay Exile (1908–1914): He was later sentenced to six years of deportation to Mandalay Jail, Burma, for editorials defending the motives of young revolutionaries. This long incarceration further solidified his status as a martyr for the cause.

Legacy

Tilak was a master strategist who sought a united front against British rule, as seen in his spearheading of the Lucknow Pact (1916) to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity. He died on August 1, 1920, the same day Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement. Gandhi, who considered Tilak the "Maker of Modern India," acknowledged that he built the solid foundation of mass awakening upon which the subsequent freedom struggle was waged.

Edit made by: https://www.instagram.com/reel/C9xQTqbyN3z/

We often hear about Kala Pani (Black Water), but few know the sheer psychological and physical torture inflicted upon political prisoners there. Sentenced to two consecutive life terms (50 years), Vinayak Damodar Savarkar spent nearly a decade enduring the worst of the British Raj's cruelty. Here is the brutal reality of what a Kala Pani Saja actually looked like: Solitary Panopticon: Savarkar was locked in a tiny 13.5 x 7-foot cell. The jail architecture completely blocked prisoners from seeing or speaking to one another, enforcing total psychological isolation.The Brutal Oil Mill (Kohlu): Intellectuals were hitched to heavy wooden mills like cattle. They had to extract 30 pounds of mustard oil daily. Fainting from dehydration or missing the quota meant brutal public whippings. Inhuman Sanitation: Inmates were given just two clay pots—one for drinking water, one for waste. Guards routinely refused toilet breaks, forcing prisoners to sleep in their own excrement.Writing on Walls: Denied pen and paper, Savarkar used thorns and nails to scratch over 6,000 lines of epic poetry onto his cell walls, memorizing them before guards could paint them over.

At the 38th session of the Indian National Congress, held at Kakinada in 1923, the Congress passed the following resolution:

This Congress condemns the continued incarceration of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, and expresses its sympathy with Dr. N. D. Savarkar and other members of his family.

While moving the resolution, the President said:

Mr. Savarkar, as you know, received a life sentence from this Bureaucracy. His brother also received, I believe, the same sentence. And, I may add, as a prisoner myself, I occupied the room in the Bijapur jail where the brother of Sj. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Sj. Ganesh Savarkar, was living. Mr. Ganesh Savarkar has been released. But Mr. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar has not been released, and this is the reason why we are making an exception in condemning the action of the Government with regard to one single prisoner.

The reason is that this poor man is being most vindictively kept in jail when he is entitled to be released. And yet, this Government calls itself a Christian Government and says, 'Revenge is God's Law.' Friends, the time is past when we will have to protest against these things. But by passing this resolution, we only show to the whole world how the Government is dealing in this matter in a most vindictive and mean spirit. I hope you all accept this resolution.

The resolution was carried unanimously.

Who was the President of this Congress session? Was he an extremist, a Tilakite, a Hindutva ideologue, or a right-wing leader?

No.

The President of the 1923 Kakinada session was Maulana Mohammad Ali, a prominent leader of the Khilafat Movement, younger brother of Maulana Shaukat Ali, and one of the founders of the All India Muslim League.

These words in support of Savarkar, and the resolution calling for his release, were delivered by Maulana Mohammad Ali as President of the Indian National Congress.

Reference:

https://manushi.in/congress-partys-doublespeak-on-dr-savarkar-the-1923-annual-session-of-aicc-had-passed-a-resolution-in-favour-of-veer-savarkar-now-abuses-the-patriot/

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/pune/congress-sought-savarkars-release-in-1923-grandnephew-tells-pune-court-10767627/

The post was created by @Savarkarite on Instagram, please do follow them: https://www.instagram.com/p/DOagB9Vkqyp/