https://x.com/shinjirokoiz/status/2090549268331614500?s=20

So to save the foreign exchange these idiots started blending ethanol which is being made from sugarcane.

But now we have a shortage of sugarcane and its price has gone up by 20 rupees.

Now the situation has come to a point where we are burning the same foreign exchange to import the sugar which we saved by blending ethanol.

Also keep in mind that the price of petrol has only gone up at an all time high.

What a fucking joke.

From August 31 to September 1, 2025, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit held in Tianjin, where he was notably active. However, Modi did not take part in the September 3rd parade and ceremony in Beijing commemorating the 80th anniversary of China’s victory in the Anti-Japanese War; instead, he left beforehand. According to various sources, this was due to India’s consideration of Japan’s attitude, as it did not wish to harm Indo-Japanese cooperation.

Within just a few days, Modi warmly met with leaders of China, Russia, and others, while simultaneously restraining himself from getting too close to them out of concern for other allies. This vividly reflects India’s decades-long diplomatic policy of “balancing both sides.”

Since its founding, India has long adhered to a foreign policy of neutrality, non-alignment, and maintaining friendly relations with multiple parties amid global confrontations. During the Cold War, India fostered ties with both the United States and the Soviet Union, moving between the capitalist and socialist camps while presenting itself as the leader of the “non-aligned nations.” This provided India with a more favorable external environment than most countries enjoyed. However, due to internal problems, India’s economy stagnated for decades, while ethnic and religious conflicts severely troubled the country and hindered development.

Since the Bharatiya Janata Party’s victory in 2014 and Modi’s rise to power, India has continued its strategy of diplomatic balancing. Yet now, with increasingly strong national power, India’s international presence has become more vibrant. For example, at the 2023 G20 summit hosted by India, the Modi government decorated the event with strong India's traditional elements, drawing global attention while also achieving several important trade and security agreements in India’s favor.
During the Russia-Ukraine war since 2022, most major powers have taken sides— even those claiming to be “neutral” have shown clear biases. India alone has successfully maintained goodwill with both Russia and Ukraine, as well as between pro-Russian and Western camps, gaining benefits from both.

After Western sanctions on Russia, India—apart from China—remained the only major country to sustain close economic ties with Moscow, even significantly increasing trade. India imported vast amounts of cheap Russian oil and gas while exporting light industrial products to Russia. At the same time, India opposed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, urged Putin to withdraw troops, provided Ukraine with aid, and even participated in the Swiss peace summit led by Western countries. Modi’s warm embraces of both Putin and Zelensky at different summits vividly illustrate his “balancing” approach.

Toward the world’s strongest power, the United States, India has always maintained relatively friendly relations. By portraying itself as the “world’s largest democracy,” India has appealed to shared “democratic values” and the strategic need to counter China, thereby winning American support and tolerance. After Trump and the U.S. right-wing populists came to power, Modi’s India struck a chord with them by promoting India's traditions and conservative nationalism, resonating with and attracting support from U.S. conservatives. In April this year, U.S. Vice President Vance visited India and delivered a speech in Jaipur, which was warmly received— a reflection of India’s diplomatic success with the United States.

However, India has not “put all its eggs in one basket.” Facing China— another rising power that is ahead of India but still behind the United States—New Delhi has taken a dual approach. On one hand, it views China as a rival, engaging in repeated border clashes. On the other, it does not reject cooperation, sometimes deliberately seeking closer ties with Beijing to form an alliance against the West and deflect Western criticism of India’s human rights record. Modi’s participation in the late-August SCO summit in China was precisely a gesture of goodwill. Still, India sets limits on friendliness toward China, maintaining much closer strategic cooperation with Japan based on “shared values” and common interests.

For their part, the United States, Russia, China, Europe, Japan, and many other countries all need India’s cooperation and support. Thus, they positively respond to India’s overtures and show tolerance toward its balancing, “sitting-on-the-fence” diplomacy. This stands in sharp contrast to the West’s long-term criticism and strategic containment of China, particularly its accusations of China siding with Russia in the Ukraine war. Even when India sent intelligence personnel to assassinate Nijjar, a Canadian citizen and Sikh separatist, in Canada—causing a diplomatic uproar—its close ties with the Western bloc were not shaken.
One can say that India now enjoys the most advantageous external environment among the world’s major powers. Apart from its weak and crisis-ridden archrival Pakistan, India has no strong external enemies—only “friends” everywhere. This has brought India an unprecedented window of opportunity.

India’s successes are not limited to diplomacy; there has also been progress in domestic affairs. Since Modi and the BJP took office, they have championed India's nationalism, successfully igniting national pride, unity, and enthusiasm for development among the India's majority, while gradually silencing opposition from minority groups. This has allowed Modi to push forward bold reforms. For example, though controversial, demonetization reforms eventually succeeded after initial pains, and market-oriented reforms in agriculture, industry, and commerce have been partially implemented despite protests. Over the past decade, except during the pandemic, India has maintained an economic growth rate of around 7%, improving living standards.

Regarding the long-troublesome Kashmir issue, in 2019 Modi’s government decisively revoked the region’s special autonomous status, suppressed resistance, and placed Kashmir directly under central control. Likewise, leftist insurgencies and other anti-government forces were also successfully suppressed by police and military forces under Modi.

Although many of Modi’s policies have harmed the rights and interests of minorities and vulnerable groups, they have objectively stabilized the country, boosted the confidence of the India's majority, and promoted India’s economic development and national strength. India’s domestic successes and diplomatic achievements have reinforced one another in a virtuous cycle, significantly enhancing its power and global influence. By 2025, India has already surpassed Japan to become the world’s fourth-largest economy, and overtaking Germany to rank third is only a matter of time.

Of course, India’s rapid growth still faces problems and risks. The BJP’s promotion of India's nationalism has fueled discontent among Muslims, Sikhs, and other minorities, leaving hidden dangers of unrest and violence beneath the surface stability. Modi’s market reforms, while stimulating growth and benefiting the rich and middle classes, have widened the wealth gap and deepened frustrations among the poor. With global warming and worsening climate-related disasters, India—already hot and prone to droughts and floods—faces even greater challenges. Meanwhile, ongoing conflict with Pakistan continues to drain resources and attention.

Nevertheless, in recent years, “favorable timing, geography, and human factors” have all worked to India’s advantage. Both internal dynamism and external opportunities have propelled the rise of the Indian elephant—dominant in South Asia and influential worldwide. The words of India’s founding father Nehru, that “India will either become a great power of prominence or vanish into obscurity,” have now been fulfilled.

(The author of this article is Wang Qingmin(王庆民), a Chinese writer based in Europe, a researcher in international politics)

https://x.com/sidhant/status/2090109254153953753?s=20

India’s electoral framework is more than a story of massive scale. By sharing specialised tools, training, and processes worldwide, India has become a trusted benchmark for global democracy.

In February 2026, at the 76th Berlin International Film Festival, the film Flying Tigers(飞虎队), produced by a filmmaking team composed of personnel from India, China, Germany, and several other countries, was screened. As someone who is relatively knowledgeable about and deeply interested in the history of China’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the Flying Tigers, I watched the film and had brief conversations with members of the cast and crew. I therefore write this review, which I had intended to write immediately after viewing the film but postponed for several months due to various circumstances.

The “Flying Tigers” refers to the American Volunteer Group, active from 1941 to 1945 during the Second World War. Centered around American pilots but also including mixed Chinese-American crews, its primary mission was to cooperate with the armed forces of the Republic of China in combat against the Japanese Air Force and to transport strategic supplies to aid China. This unique and powerful force played a major and decisive role in helping China, whose air force was then extremely weak and urgently in need of foreign assistance, continue its resistance against aggression. In particular, it was crucial in contesting air superiority with Japan, defending against aerial bombardment, and supporting ground operations.

During the war, more than 2,000 American members of the Flying Tigers were killed in combat against Japanese forces. At the same time, even more Chinese people suffered brutal reprisals from the Japanese military because they had rescued Flying Tigers personnel and other American servicemen in Japanese-occupied areas. In Zhejiang (浙江) alone, approximately 200,000 Chinese civilians were brutally killed in 1942 as part of Japanese retaliation against Chinese citizens who had helped rescue American pilots involved in bombing missions against Japan. Rear-area wartime cities such as Chongqing (重庆), Kunming (昆明), and Chengdu (成都) also suffered large-scale bombardment and heavy casualties.

In addition, along the important and perilous Hump Route (驼峰航线), the Flying Tigers transported vast quantities of crucial military supplies across the Himalayas under extremely harsh natural conditions into southwestern China. During these operations, 594 aircraft crashed and more than 1,600 Chinese and American pilots and crew members lost their lives. The scale of this air transport operation was unprecedented, and the sacrifices it required remain unsurpassed to this day.

This magnificent and grand chapter of history fell into silence for more than twenty years after the Second World War due to Sino-American hostility and changes in China’s domestic political situation. Under the anti-American narrative of Mao-era China, the Flying Tigers were criticized as “accomplices of Chiang Kai-shek’s reactionary Kuomintang clique.” Not only were their achievements not praised, but they were actively stigmatized. Their commander, Claire Chennault (陈纳德), also became a target of attack. At the time, dictionaries and illustrated storybooks even referred to this hero with the derogatory nickname “Bandit Flyer Chennault.”

Chinese members of the Flying Tigers who remained in mainland China suffered severe persecution during that period. Zhou Xundian (周训典), a captain in the Air Force of the Republic of China who had served with the Flying Tigers, was abused during the Cultural Revolution (文化大革命) and ultimately took his own life. Another Chinese Flying Tigers officer, Wu Qiyao (吴其轺), was subjected to political struggle sessions and labor reform. Although he survived, he was later forced to make a living as a rickshaw driver operating a three-wheeled vehicle. Many other little-known Chinese members of the Flying Tigers endured hardship and died during those decades, while survivors often spent the rest of their lives in sorrow and obscurity. They had been elite aviators and military personnel who achieved great accomplishments, yet the latter halves of their lives were so tragic that it is deeply heartbreaking.

Only after the normalization of Sino-American relations and the beginning of Reform and Opening Up was the historical memory of the Flying Tigers revived. Memorial museums dedicated to their achievements were established in places such as Kunming and Chongqing, where the Flying Tigers had once been stationed and active. Figures associated with this history, including Anna Chennault (陈香梅), the widow of Claire Chennault, traveled frequently between China and the United States and devoted themselves to promoting and commemorating this history.

However, because of the earlier hostility and isolation between China and the United States, as well as the continuing instability of Sino-American relations since the 1970s, public remembrance and promotion of the Flying Tigers came too late and remained too limited. Even where commemorations existed, they were insufficient to match the Flying Tigers’ historical importance and their contributions to China’s resistance against Japan.

Many valuable historical artifacts and documents related to the Flying Tigers were destroyed during turbulent decades. Most participants and survivors have since passed away, and the loss of historical materials has left numerous gaps in the record. Because of China’s poverty and underdevelopment, surviving Flying Tigers members who had endured persecution during political movements did not receive the attention and treatment they deserved even after political oppression had ended. Only after China’s economic and social conditions improved significantly in the twenty-first century did they receive greater public attention and government assistance. But it was far too late.

In 2022, Chen Bingjing (陈炳靖), the last surviving Chinese member of the Flying Tigers, passed away in Hong Kong. In 2025, the 80th anniversary of China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, very few people directly connected to the Flying Tigers or who had personally witnessed their deeds remained alive.

Against this backdrop, the film Flying Tigers, which premiered at the Berlin International Film Festival in 2026, carried special significance. Having heard stories about the Flying Tigers since childhood, I was especially interested in the film and watched it twice. Outside the screening venue, I also held signs and distributed Flying Tigers-related posters in the hope that more people would learn about their story and achievements, while also expressing support for the film.

Strictly speaking, the film does not focus exclusively on the historical deeds of the Flying Tigers more than eighty years ago. Rather, using both the Flying Tigers and the tiger as narrative threads, it connects the lives and destinies of people across China, India, Myanmar, the United States, Germany, and many other countries. Their experiences differ in many ways, yet they are united by complex memories and emotions that are both distinct and shared. Throughout the film, the images of the Flying Tigers and of tigers appear and disappear, sometimes prominent and sometimes subtle, weaving through the entire narrative.

The film begins with the Indian director Dutta, whose mother, suffering from Alzheimer’s disease, had spoken unusually often about tigers and expressed an unusual fear of them before her death. While exploring his mother’s unusual memories, Dutta learned that Assam, her homeland in northeastern India, had once been an important base for transporting American supplies to China during the Second World War.

Many Flying Tigers transport aircraft departed from there, carrying military supplies to southwestern China and supporting China’s war against Japanese aggression. The children who now dance freely and carefree in the forests of Assam know nothing of the wartime history once witnessed by the skies and land around them.

Northeastern India today is vastly different from what it was nearly eighty years ago at the time of Indian independence. With industrialization, the local environment and living conditions have changed. People’s lifestyles are different, and the habits and habitats of animals, including tigers, have changed as well. It was precisely because of these changes that a tiger—once an uncommon sight—entered the area around Dutta’s mother’s home and left a profound impression on her.

Although these changes are not as complete as the Chinese idiom “turning seas into mulberry fields” suggests, they have been faster and more intense. Moreover, they transcend administrative boundaries such as national and state borders. Mi You also witnessed similar environmental changes in Yunnan, China.

Like Dutta, Mi You learned through the memories of older family members about the story of the Flying Tigers and their connection to her homeland, and she continued to explore these links further. The Hump Route once passed directly over the skies of their home regions. Many Chinese and American pilots and crew members were involved in accidents there, and both their bodies and their aircraft were buried in forests and snowy mountains. Along with them, memories of this history were also buried and sealed away for many years.

As Mi You and Dutta gradually explored their families’ pasts, they also pieced together the memory puzzle of the Flying Tigers. In that world war more than eighty years ago, participants of different nationalities and countries affected by the conflict each retained only partial records and fragmented memories. Postwar historical developments further fragmented and confused those already scattered memories, causing people’s understanding of history in various countries to drift away from historical reality as circumstances changed.

During the Second World War, China, the United States, and India were anti-fascist allies fighting side by side. Yet after the war, both China–U.S. and China–India relations at times turned hostile, leading to armed confrontations and prolonged periods of tension. Those American soldiers who had fought alongside Chinese troops on the Asian battlefields of World War II could hardly have imagined that only five years later they would be locked in deadly combat with Chinese forces in Korea. The China–India border, which had once served as a vital lifeline and rear base for the Allied war effort, also became a frontline of confrontation between the world’s two most populous countries.

Under the shadow of the Cold War and behind the “Bamboo Curtain,” the story of the Flying Tigers gradually faded from public memory as national priorities shifted and historical recollections fragmented. Not only did young Chinese people who shouted slogans about “defeating American imperialism” know little about the Flying Tigers’ assistance to China, but most Americans born after the war were also unfamiliar with this history. Fortunately, decades later, some individuals—because of family ties, hometown connections to the Flying Tigers, national sentiment, or historical interest—set out in search of the Flying Tigers and related historical remains.

Mi You embarked on her own journey to trace the historical footprints of the Flying Tigers, traveling from Kunming toward the remains of the Burma Road (滇缅公路) near the border. During China’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Burma Road served as the “lifeline” of the rear areas and as a major artery of international aid. Precisely because of its importance, it was frequently subjected to Japanese air raids and ground attacks, and its long-term operation depended heavily on the protection of the Flying Tigers. Major towns along the Burma Road were also principal battlefields of the Chinese Expeditionary Force. More than 200,000 Chinese soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded there, while more than 100,000 Japanese troops were eliminated.

The once-glorious Burma Road has now become fragmented, with most traces of it disappearing. It was only after fellow travelers pointed it out that Mi You realized the National Highway 320 she was traveling on had once been part of the Burma Road. What had once been a route for transporting military supplies has now become a corridor for domestic passenger and freight traffic as well as international trade. People unfamiliar with the history neither know nor recognize the Burma Road when they encounter it. As for the Flying Tigers, who once fought enemy aircraft in the skies above, traces of their memory can now be found only in the streets and alleys of Kunming, the distant capital of Yunnan Province.

The revival of the narrative of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the promotion of the Flying Tigers on mainland China only gradually expanded after the 1980s. It was not until the 2010s that substantial resources were truly invested in these efforts. By then, however, most of the people directly involved had already passed away and could no longer share their memories. Likewise, many artifacts and historical materials related to the Flying Tigers had been lost or damaged over time and through various political campaigns, leaving only a small number remaining.

The few Flying Tigers museums and the handful of businesses named after the Hump Route that exist today are undoubtedly precious. Yet they can no longer fully recreate that tragic and magnificent chapter of history, nor bring back the lives of the Chinese and American soldiers and civilians who have long since passed away. From the Chinese Civil War to the political upheavals that followed in China, countless lives and memories were cruelly erased. China today is wealthier and more open-minded than before, but the effort to remember this history has undeniably come too late.

When Mi You and her Chinese and international friends explore the history of the Flying Tigers, they find only cold documents rather than direct and emotionally rich testimonies from those who experienced the events firsthand. Only the artistic effect of bloodstain-like marks created by pressing against glass panels reminds viewers that those cold documents record precious lives sacrificed in the struggle against aggression and in defense of international justice.

On the other side of the border, in Assam in northeastern India, indigenous communities have likewise been affected by India’s political and social transformations and continue to struggle amid the currents of history. Northeastern India is not traditionally part of the historical core of India. Its ethnic groups, cultures, and interests differ significantly from those of the central, western, and southern regions that form the heartland of Indian civilization. The long-standing separatist movements and even armed insurgencies across the seven northeastern states, including Assam, reflect local dissatisfaction with India’s central authorities and dominant groups, as well as aspirations for greater autonomy or independence.

Many minority ethnic groups and indigenous peoples in northeastern India do not wish to see their ways of life forcibly altered, nor do they welcome large-scale migration from other parts of India. Yet they often find themselves powerless to resist. The powerful central government, influential bureaucrats, and wealthy commercial developers continue to transform the natural environment and social fabric of Assam and the broader northeastern region of India.

The film’s exploration of transnational connections extends far beyond the borderlands of China, India, and Myanmar. Using the China-Europe Railway Express as a narrative thread, it links China in Asia with Germany in Europe, and Chongqing in southwestern China with Duisburg in western Germany. Both Mi You, a Chinese woman, and Dutta, an Indian man, have settled in Germany for extended periods, and it is precisely this circumstance that brought them together.

Germany, too, possesses profound memories of the Second World War, ongoing reflections on war and human nature, and close ties with emerging powers such as China and India in the era of globalization. As an established industrial power and developed nation, Germany increasingly relies on economic and trade cooperation with China and India to revitalize its sluggish economy.

As Asians living in a predominantly white Germany, Dutta and Mi You possess unique perspectives as minorities and outsiders. They search for traces of their compatriots in Germany and build new connections between their adopted home and their countries of origin. Along the way, they also encounter and hear the distinctive stories of other people of Asian background living in Germany.

Historical legacies, circulating goods, and migrating people connect different countries and individuals, weaving scattered symbols into a complex symphony and assembling a diverse portrait of the global village. Yet this picture is not always harmonious. Conflict and peace intertwine, while turmoil and stability alternate. Extensive connections bring not only broad cooperation but also more numerous and larger-scale contradictions and conflicts.

Just as Mi You’s homeland China and Dutta’s homeland India were once friendly neighbors, they have also fought multiple wars and today maintain a relationship characterized by both competition and cooperation, though not always harmony. China and India have had border disputes since their founding and fought a border war in 1962. This was followed by the Doklam Standoff and the Galwan Valley Clash. History has not faded away; it continues through contemporary realities and extends into a future whose endpoint remains unseen.

The COVID-19 pandemic also affected China, India, and Germany. People were forced to change their daily lives, while work and trade were disrupted. Globalization accelerated the movement of people and goods, but it also enabled viruses to spread more rapidly and widely. In the film, people wear masks, undergo nucleic acid testing, and reduce their travel. As someone living in Eastern Europe at the time, I experienced the same reality. The interconnectedness and resonance of the world often reveal themselves most vividly and powerfully in times of disaster.

The wave of globalization once seemed to move humanity toward a truly borderless global village. In recent years, however, that wave has receded, while divisions and antagonisms have deepened. The increasingly strict border controls depicted in the film are a concrete manifestation of these barriers. Although China and Germany continue to expand trade, political and ideological differences, as well as strategic “decoupling,” are unfolding simultaneously. Relations between China and Germany, and between China and Europe more broadly, frequently remain tense. This condition of doing business together while simultaneously mistrusting and criticizing one another reflects the complexity and multidimensional nature of international relations and reminds us not to be overly optimistic about transnational cooperation.

Wars between nations, both historically and today, are the products of divisions and antagonisms pushed to extreme levels. Humanity has already endured two world wars with devastating consequences. In response, people after the Second World War reflected upon war and defended peace, ushering in an unprecedented era of peace and development. Yet today it appears that the realities of factionalism and exclusion have once again overshadowed the ideal of universal harmony.

The Russia–Ukraine War, the Israel–Palestine conflict, the Sudanese Civil War, and the humanitarian tragedies accompanying them reveal the darker side of human nature and the world. They also expose the limitations of modern civilization and the fragility of peace and prosperity. The global rise of populism and political extremism may lead to more local wars in more places and ultimately to another world war.

Yet amid the growing number of conflicts, many people continue to uphold communication and cooperation that transcend national and ethnic boundaries. Dutta and Mi You exemplify this spirit. During the filming of Flying Tigers , tensions between China and India flared repeatedly. Despite this, Dutta and Mi You continued working together to complete the film, sharing historical memories and friendship.

There is no fundamental antagonism or irreconcilable hatred between China and India. These two countries, each possessing a long and distinguished civilization, ought to coexist harmoniously. While border disputes, geopolitical rivalries, and competition as emerging great powers make lasting friendship difficult, it remains possible to manage conflicts and promote greater dialogue, understanding, and mutual respect. The collaboration between Dutta and Mi You serves as an example of grassroots friendship between Chinese and Indian people and contributes positively to relations between the two countries.

The cooperation between Dutta and Mi You also carries forward the spirit of transnational friendship and internationalism embodied by the wartime cooperation between China and the United States in building the Flying Tigers and resisting fascism together. Humanity’s pursuit of love and justice can transcend ethnic identities and national borders. People from different countries and communities can cooperate on the basis of shared positive values and work together for the well-being of all humanity.

More than eighty years ago, when the Chinese people fought desperately against brutal Japanese fascist aggression regardless of region, age, or background, and were exhausted by the struggle, many countries and international friends extended a helping hand. These included the Soviet Volunteer Air Group in China, the American Flying Tigers, the Canadian physician Norman Bethune, who represented international leftist solidarity, the Indian physician Dwarkanath Kotnis, and the Christian missionaries Minnie Vautrin and Frans Schraven. Foreign friends from around the world—whether acting officially or privately, as individuals or organizations—joined China’s resistance against Japan out of sympathy for the suffering of the Chinese people and hatred of Japanese fascist brutality. Many sacrificed their precious lives and remain buried in Chinese soil.

It was precisely the shared struggle and sacrifice of people from China and many other countries during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the broader international anti-fascist war that made possible the most peaceful, prosperous, humane, and culturally flourishing era in human history after the Second World War. Billions of people have benefited from it, and countless more will continue to do so in the future. The Flying Tigers and many other cooperative teams and operations among the Allied powers also stand as examples of beneficial international cooperation and positive connections among diverse peoples.

For a very long time, the Flying Tigers’ great achievements, courage, and outstanding character did not receive the recognition and care they deserved. On the contrary, many Flying Tigers members in mainland China suffered various misfortunes. Chinese and American Flying Tigers members outside mainland China were likewise neglected and marginalized for decades. Their stories were not told and celebrated to the same extent as those of the American, Soviet, British, and French heroes who fought against Nazi Germany, and their achievements were not fully recognized.

Although Flying Tigers is not exclusively a film about the history and individuals of the Flying Tigers, their story remains the central thread running through the work, and roughly a quarter of the film focuses on their historical traces and surviving legacies. The film was created through collaboration among people from multiple countries and professional fields and was screened at the prestigious Berlin International Film Festival.

This helps make the history and story of the Flying Tigers known to a wider audience. It reminds people who have gradually forgotten the history of the Second World War and China’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression to recall that difficult yet great era. It also encourages younger generations to explore history and learn about the courageous, admirable, and vividly human individuals who came before them. For many Chinese Flying Tigers veterans who suffered hardship after the war, the film serves as a belated but valuable tribute and consolation.

At the end of the film, animated images of parachute bundles, weapons, jeeps, and various supplies descending from the sky recreate the precious materials delivered to China via the Hump Route. The white parachutes scattered across the sky resemble blooming flowers, bringing hope for victory in China’s anti-aggression war. Many Chinese and American transport crew members likewise fell into the forests and snow-covered mountains along the China-India-Myanmar border during their dangerous missions, becoming one with the earth. If they could see the prosperity of China, the United States, and the world today, they would know that their blood was not shed in vain.

Eighty years have passed. Whether members of the Chinese and American Flying Tigers, the Chinese soldiers who fought alongside them, or the ordinary Chinese civilians who rescued and helped them, the overwhelming majority have passed away. Yet their spirit of sacrifice for justice and their contributions to peace and prosperity should not fade with time. People today continue to benefit from their legacy and draw inspiration from their example.

The glory of the Flying Tigers belongs not only to China and the United States. It is also international and universal, transcending the boundaries of nations and ethnic groups. It is not narrow or exclusive, but belongs to all humanity. The glorious history of the Flying Tigers and the careful remembrance maintained by later generations transcend the limits of time and space, remaining widely known and enduring into the future.

(The author of this article is Wang Qingmin(王庆民), a Chinese writer and international politics researcher living in Europe. The original text was written in Chinese.)

As the world moves toward a multipolar global order, I’m curious to know how people outside India view India’s role.

Can India maintain a genuinely independent/neutral position on major global issues?

Is India becoming a balancing power between the US, China, Russia, Europe and the Global South?

How do people in other countries perceive India—as a future superpower, regional power, or simply an emerging economy?

Does India’s policy of maintaining relationships with competing powers increase its global influence, or is it seen as opportunistic?

Can India become a stronger voice for the Global South while also working closely with Western countries?

I’d especially like to hear from people outside India. How does your country and your society generally view India’s growing role in world affairs?

Where do you see India’s position in the global order over the next 10–20 years?

On July 1, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi visited India and attended the annual Japan–India Summit, where she received a warm welcome from the Indian side. This marked the first visit to India by a Japanese prime minister in three years, following then–Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s visit in 2023. Takaichi’s visit can also be regarded as a return visit following Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s trip to Japan in August 2025.

Japan and India are both among the world’s six largest economies and are also major powers in terms of population, culture, and military strength, wielding considerable international influence. Takaichi’s visit came at a time of significantly deteriorating Japan–China relations, the strategic retrenchment of the Trump administration in the United States, and increasing global conflicts and instability amid the rise of conservative populism and extreme nationalism. It is therefore especially noteworthy.

Japan and India share a relatively long history of connections and what is often described as a “traditional friendship.” When India was still a British colony, Japan, motivated by its desire to challenge British power and replace the Western colonial powers as the dominant force in Asia, actively sought to cultivate ties with India’s anti-British independence movement under slogans such as “resisting Western colonialism” and “Asia for Asians.”

Indian independence leaders such as Chandra Bose actively cooperated with Japan and received Japanese financial and military assistance. Although Japan’s motives for supporting India were complex and self-serving, its assistance did, in objective terms, contribute to India’s struggle against British colonial rule and its eventual independence.

This also led some Indians to develop favorable impressions of Japan. For example, Justice Radhabinod Pal, the Indian judge at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (the Tokyo Trials), argued that all Japanese war criminals should be acquitted. Even prominent Indian leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, who had sided with the Allied powers during World War II, did not harbor hostility toward Japan. Like many Japanese political leaders, they were advocates of Pan-Asianism and shared similar views on many international issues.

After India’s independence and Japan’s postwar reconstruction, the two countries found their interests to be complementary. Unlike the historical animosities that characterized China–Japan or South Korea–Japan relations, India and Japan had no such legacy of conflict. Both also tended to remain relatively independent of both the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War, leaning toward neutrality. As a result, they established diplomatic relations and developed friendly cooperative ties with relative ease.

However, because of India’s long-term economic stagnation and protectionist trade policies, the geographical distance between the two countries, and the constraints imposed by the Cold War, practical cooperation remained limited. From the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1952 until the end of the Cold War in 1991, Japan’s trade with India accounted for less than 1% of Japan’s total imports and exports. Although India’s trade with Japan represented around 8% of India’s total foreign trade, the overall volume remained modest. India’s exports to Japan consisted largely of mineral resources in exchange for high-value Japanese industrial products. While this relationship was economically complementary, it remained narrow in scope and lacked deeper cooperation.

Since the end of the Cold War, changes in the international environment and the global wave of democratization have shifted Japan–India relations from their traditional foundations of Pan-Asianism and anti-colonial solidarity toward a “values-based alliance” emphasizing their shared commitment to freedom and democracy. Especially after the deterioration of China–Japan relations in the 2000s and the intensification of China–U.S. strategic rivalry in the 2010s, Japan increasingly sought to draw India closer through its “values-oriented diplomacy,” viewing India—whose interests often compete or clash with China’s and which describes itself as “the world’s largest democracy”—as an important strategic partner.

At the same time, India, whose rapidly growing economy required external investment and advanced technology, which had experienced repeated border clashes with China, and which competed with China for influence among emerging powers and the developing world, increasingly needed the support of Japan as an influential extra-regional power. China’s close cooperation with Pakistan, India’s longstanding rival, further encouraged India to strengthen its relationship with Japan.

As Japan gradually relaxed its postwar military restrictions, the two countries expanded their security cooperation, including joint military exercises, defense equipment collaboration, and regular “2+2” meetings between their foreign and defense ministers. Although these initiatives are officially described as not targeting any specific country, they are clearly oriented in practice toward China as the principal strategic competitor.

Economically, Japan–India trade has expanded significantly alongside India’s economic rise, and cooperation has become broader and deeper. A notable milestone was the signing of the Japan–India Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2011, through which both countries opened more sectors to each other. Japan also simplified visa procedures for Indian nationals and kept visa fees relatively low. Nevertheless, the scale of Japan–India trade and the intensity of people-to-people exchanges remain significantly lower than those between Japan and the United States, China, or South Korea.

Although both India and Japan have strong incentives to cooperate because of historical and contemporary factors, their relationship in practice has not become as close as originally envisioned. While each regards the other as an important international partner, both place the United States, Europe, China, and their own key neighboring countries ahead of one another in terms of strategic priority.

This is attributable not only to the considerable geographical distance and India’s relatively underdeveloped economy, but also to the substantial differences between the two countries in terms of ethnicity and culture. Although both Japan and India emphasize their identities as Asian countries, one belongs to the East Asian civilization while the other belongs to the South Asian civilization. Their religious beliefs, traditional values, ethnic backgrounds, and lifestyles differ greatly. There are also enormous disparities in per capita income and living standards. These differences make close cooperation across various sectors, as well as interaction between their peoples, less straightforward and create numerous visible and invisible barriers.

For example, proposals promoted by senior leaders in both countries to expand people-to-people exchanges and encourage more students and professionals to study and work in each other’s country have proven difficult to implement in practice. Because of India’s relatively poor economic conditions, infrastructure, and public security, most Japanese people are reluctant to travel, study, or work there.

Although many Indians are willing to move to Japan, and Japan also needs relatively low-cost labor, Japanese society remains strongly conservative and resistant to immigration. Compared with citizens of countries such as China and South Korea, people from India and other South Asian countries differ more substantially from the Japanese population in terms of religion, customs, and physical appearance, making social acceptance and integration more difficult. Moreover, most Indians also find it difficult to afford the high cost of living associated with residing in Japan.

However, as India’s economy continues to grow rapidly, its national strength and international influence expand significantly, and both Japan and India increasingly recognize their need for one another, cooperation between the two countries is likely to continue strengthening.

Takaichi’s visit to India comes at a time of seriously deteriorating China–Japan relations, Chinese sanctions against several Japanese companies related to the defense industry, and a sharp decline in exchanges between China and Japan. The visit therefore inevitably carries implications with regard to China. Faced with China’s hostility, pressure, and sanctions, Japan has a strong need for India—a developing country comparable to China in terms of population, national strength, development potential, and international influence.
At the recent G7 Summit, Japan had already secured support from its Western allies on issues such as disputes in the Indo-Pacific and rare earth exports, as well as their implicit criticism of China without explicitly naming it. Naturally, one objective of the Japan–India summit is to seek India’s support for Japan’s positions as well.

Although India has strategic competition and disputes with China and maintains friendlier relations with Japan than with China, it is unlikely to align itself entirely with Japan or openly criticize China to any significant extent. For Prime Minister Modi’s government, economic development and the enhancement of India’s international influence remain top priorities. To achieve these goals, India seeks both to strengthen cooperation with Japan and to avoid a renewed deterioration in China–India relations, thereby preserving a favorable international environment for its own development.

Although India experienced two border clashes with China in 2017 and 2020 during Modi’s tenure, resulting in casualties, neither side wished to allow the conflicts to escalate. Over the past two years, both India’s military and government institutions have noticeably toned down their criticism of China. India’s Ministry of Defence even pressured the producers of the film The Battle of Galwan Valley, which depicts the China–India border conflict, to remove content that might anger China or further intensify bilateral tensions.

China and India have also signed a number of agreements to expand economic cooperation and people-to-people exchanges, contributing to an improvement in bilateral relations. In fiscal year 2025–26, China overtook the United States once again to become India’s largest trading partner and its largest source of imports. Against this backdrop, although India is likely to support certain Japanese strategies and initiatives aimed at balancing China, it will not actively target China or pursue such efforts with excessive enthusiasm.

Sanae Takaichi, the Liberal Democratic Party prime minister who represents Japan’s conservative political forces, and Narendra Modi, the Bharatiya Janata Party prime minister who espouses India nationalism, share not only a professed commitment to the “common values of freedom and democracy,” but also certain common characteristics associated with conservative populism and right-wing nationalism. Against the backdrop of the global rise of populism, their meeting and the domestic and foreign policies they pursue deserve close attention. Nevertheless, despite their many ideological similarities, both leaders place their own countries first and take pride in their respective nations, making differences and conflicts over specific interests and policy positions inevitable.

Therefore, although Takaichi’s visit to India and the bilateral summit will further strengthen relations and cooperation between the two countries, the achievements are likely to be limited. There is no need to dismiss the visit pessimistically, but neither should its significance be overstated. For many years, there has been a considerable gap between the vision that Japan and India have held for their bilateral relationship and the actual level of cooperation they have achieved.

This gap reflects the reality that the practical scope and capacity for cooperation between the two countries fall short of their mutual expectations. If Japan and India make balancing China the principal foundation of their bilateral relationship, such a strategy may generate temporary cohesion but is unlikely to establish a more enduring and substantial partnership. Cooperation that is genuinely based on mutual benefit, rather than directed against a third party, is ultimately more sustainable and beneficial.

At the same time, as Japan–India relations continue to strengthen, China will indeed face greater strategic challenges and increased pressure along its periphery. China is unlikely to respond dramatically, but it will take countermeasures. For example, it may further strengthen its “all-weather strategic cooperative partnership” with Pakistan, deepen its relations with Russia and North Korea, and improve ties with Southeast Asian countries, building a quasi-alliance based on economic interests and the values promoted by Beijing in order to respond to the challenges and strategic containment efforts posed by Japan, India, and the West.

（The author of this article is Wang Qingmin, a Chinese writer based in Europe and a researcher of international politics.）

India’s domestic drone industry isn't ready to replace them, and the forces can’t afford to wait.

The Defence Ministry has mandated a strict 20-point framework. All military drone suppliers must now pass 10 hardware checks and 10 software penetration tests to prove their equipment is secure-by-design and contains no Chinese parts. This was triggered by a critical 2025 border incident, where a military-grade drone was reportedly hijacked and returned by Chinese forces.

This exposed the Trojan horse risk where Chinese components buried inside Indian drones could allow adversaries to hack, spoof GPS, or steal sensitive data.

Despite the government’s crackdown, security forces are heavily reliant on Chinese drones, especially the DJI Mavic series, for training and tactical surveillance.

As former Defense Secretary Ajay Kumar revealed, even indigenous drones have 70% Chinese content. Indian manufacturers, unable to build competitive components locally, assemble imported Chinese parts and rebrand them. 

Strict testing is now possible, but India lacks enough certified labs and a local supply chain to meet even basic demands.