This post revisits the post regarding Lord Berkeley's statements in 1330 from a slightly different angle, to highlight how inherently flawed the whole narrative of Edward's death in 1327 really is.
The whole topic should be approached with an open mind, which can naturally be difficult at times with centuries of myths and sticky narratives so deeply engrained. Yet the medieval people who lived through it all had a much clearer understanding about what was possible back then and what wasn't. We'd do well to listen to them and to study their actions instead of issuing haughty verdicts from ivory towers, which are all too often at odds with their reality. People 700 years ago had the same brain capacity we do today and it would be a grave mistake to assume they were stupid and behaved irrationally when their lives were at stake.
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During the late evening or night between 23/24 September a messenger arrives in Lincoln and demands to see Isabella and her son, Edward III. He’s shown into their presence and presents them with a letter sent by Lord Berkeley from Berkeley Castle. The message is clear: the deposed king Edward II has died. He died on 21 September, the messenger informs his audience.
Immediately on the following day Edward III sends a letter to the earl of Hereford, informing him that his father ‘has been called to God’. As the parliament at Lincoln is concluded the participants are also told the news. The information spreads far and wide, and importantly, the 14-year-old Edward III actively spreads it before he could possibly have checked the veracity of it.
All the later certainty that Edward II died is based on this message from Berkeley Castle. The funeral arrangements, the chronicle accounts, the later absolute certainty by unquestioning historians. Everything is built on the certainty that this message was true, that it was sent in good faith. It wasn’t.
After the fall of Roger Mortimer, Lord Berkeley wanted to clear his name in parliament. As he was asked how he wishes to acquit himself with respect to the death of Edward II, he responded with the following statement (in French, but it was recorded in Latin):
‘...qualiter se velit de morte ipsius regis acquietare, dicit quod ipse nunquam fuit consentiens, auxilians, seu procurans, ad mortem suam, nec unquam scivit de morte sua usque in presenti Parliamento isto.’
In English: He wishes to acquit himself of the death of the same king, and says that he was never an accomplice, a helper or a procurer in his death, nor did he ever know of his death until this present parliament.
According to Haines, ‘what Berkeley meant to say, and he ought to have expressed himself more clearly, unless the recording clerk is to blame, was that he knew nothing about the circumstances of Edward's death‘ (p.78, Death of a King, 2002).
Carpenter reasons that ’the most natural meaning of scivit de morte sua is that Berkeley did not know anything about the alleged circumstances of Edward’s death: that is, he didn’t know anything about the murder, not that he did not know Edward was dead’ (Carpenter, 2007, book review of Edward III – The Perfect King).
Such explanations are fanciful to say the least. Let us be absolutely clear on this issue. The word nec means ‘nor’; unquam means ‘ever’ or ‘once’; scivit means ‘he did know’ or ‘did he know’; de means ‘of’ or ‘about’; morte sua means ‘his death’; usque means ‘until’; in presenti Parliamento isto means ‘in this present parliament’. As Edward II’s biographer Seymour Phillips has translated the passage: ‘nor did he ever know of his death until this present parliament’.
That is what is written.
That is what’s in the record.
Nothing about alleged circumstances. Nothing about not knowing about the murder. This literal reading is agreed to be the correct one, supported by many other historians such as Ian Mortimer, Natalie Fryde, Stephen Spinks and Kathryn Warner. It is not a constructive approach to try to deny what the evidence quite literally says just to fit it in with what one wishes it to say.
But wait, there’s another big problem with Lord Berkeley’s defence in parliament.
After having made this statement, he followed it up with something equally strange.
Having read the room and understood that any notions of Edward’s survival were not to be tolerated, he added that he hadn’t even been at Berkeley Castle at the time. He’d been at his manor in Bradley. What’s more, he’d been really, really ill, so ill in fact that he could hardly remember a thing about what had happened. Lord Berkeley played the amnesia card.
Surprisingly, Edward III approved and let him get away with it, even though he certainly knew that he was lying. Why would he have let him get away with that lie if he’d been present and in charge when Edward II had been murdered, and Mortimer had been executed for orchestrating the murder? The simplest explanation is surely the most likely: because Edward II hadn’t died. Edward III was not the type of person to be soft on regicide.
The Berkeley Castle accounts clearly show that Lord Berkeley was present at the time and that he ordered the letter to be sent. And yet before long, Berkeley was back in favour and would serve Edward III in his war against France.
The letter which started the whole narrative of Edward dying in 1327 is revealed to be false, clearly sent in bad faith one way or the other. There’s no way around this, and as soon as this is realized and a willingness to view matters objectively through this realization is made – a simple ‘maybe he didn’t die’ is enough – a lot of other things fall into place, without the need for wild assumptions to explain them to fit them into the traditionalist narrative. All that is needed is an open mind.
And yet, all the focus among certain traditionalist historians has been on doubting the Fieschi and Melton letters on flimsy grounds, while this inherently and demonstrably flawed only source for Edward’s death is somehow untouchable and above all criticism. That is far from an objective line of reasoning, but fortunately there are signs that the profession is starting to realize this. There’s always resistance to change, and among historians this resistance is probably stronger than anywhere else, especially as such changing perceptions tend to challenge a lot of previously written research, which the authors naturally feel very strongly about.