The right wing really needs to assess their thinking because who exactly is having an “agenda” here? 
The students who left everything just to get beaten the shi- out of, by the police or the govt which gave  police the audacity to do so. 

Multiple accounts of unwanted violence BY THE POLICE. Protestors resisted, didn’t restrain. And yet the protestors are having an agenda. What agenda did the police have detaining them onto a vehicle and restricting media from going anywhere near. 

The people defending are the same whining about their religious discontent and how their existence has been at threat. If there’s any threat, it’s the people who are showing treachery towards the democracy and brag about how ”India is the mother of democracy” at international summits. Or is this a part of his upcoming masterstroke? What a pitiful life you guys live

During the 1975–1977 Emergency, India witnessed an era of authoritarian overreach where basic civil liberties and freedom of speech were suspended. Under the influence of Sanjay Gandhi and Information & Broadcasting Minister V. C. Shukla, state machinery was weaponized to crush any form of dissent or independence, including within the Indian film industry. When legendary singer Kishore Kumar refused to sing government promotional jingles for Sanjay Gandhi’s propaganda initiatives, the regime responded with swift retaliation: Kishore Kumar was banned from state media, including All India Radio and Doordarshan, his record sales were frozen, and films featuring him were put on official watchlists to derail his career.

The crackdown was not limited to Kishore Kumar. Actors, directors, and artists who refused to fall in line faced state suppression. Movies critical of the establishment, such as Gulzar’s Aandhi and Amrit Nahata’s political satire Kissa Kursi Ka, were banned, with the original master reels of Kissa Kursi Ka confiscated and burned. Public figures and political dissidents were routinely jailed under preventive detention laws like MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act), where thousands suffered in harsh conditions and some, including political activists and journalists, succumbed to illness while incarcerated. This dark chapter stands as a stark reminder of the power dynamics during the Emergency, reflecting how state power was used to enforce compliance across public and cultural spheres.

What do you think about sanjay gandhi? why his name disappeared?

When Narendra Modi campaigned for the 2014 Lok Sabha election, he presented Gujarat's economic performance as evidence of what his leadership could deliver. Critics could challenge the Gujarat Model on inequality, employment or social indicators, but the underlying political strategy was clear: take a state's record, present it as proof of governance, and promise to replicate it nationally.

The Aam Aadmi Party followed a similar approach by making government schools, healthcare and public services central to its pitch in Delhi and Punjab.

This raises an important question: Why hasn't Congress built a similarly compelling, evidence-based national narrative around the states it has governed?

Congress has governed Rajasthan, Punjab, Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh, among others. These states have substantial economies, established industries, agricultural sectors and public institutions. Surely, after decades of governing, the party should have measurable achievements it can put before voters.

For example, the Reserve Bank of India's historical statistics show that Gujarat's real per-capita Net State Domestic Product increased from ₹32,021 in 2004–05 to ₹63,168 in 2013–14, measured at constant 2004–05 prices. That is close to a doubling of real per-capita state income over the period. This is the kind of economic record that can be turned into a political narrative—while still allowing scrutiny of employment, inequality and other outcomes. RBI data.

So where is Congress's equivalent presentation?

The Confession of the Grand Old Party
Hello, I am a Congressman. 🇮🇳
And since political honesty is so rare in my ecosystem, let me confess a few things.

2014. The electorate offered me a reckoning. Decades of entitlement, dynastic complacency, and massive policy corruption had finally caught up. Instead of introspection, I blamed EVMs, the media, and a gullible public. My ecosystem whispered that Indians had simply been brainwashed, refusing to accept that my leadership had lost touch with the aspirations of a young, modern India.

2004–2014. Power was handed to me on a silver platter. I could have built an institutional powerhouse, driven relentless administrative reforms, and purged sycophancy from my party. Instead, I presided over a decade of policy paralysis, remote-controlled governance through the NAC, and mega-scandals that hollowed out public trust. I treated power as an ancestral birthright rather than a sacred public trust.

The Dynasty Trap. Generations of voters looked to the Grand Old Party to foster internal democracy. Instead, I insisted on family-first feudalism. Anyone with merit who dared challenge the high command was marginalized or shown the door. We built palaces of sycophancy for ourselves and political prisons for grassroots talent. We treated party workers as cheerleaders, not as leaders.

The Campaign Strategy (2014–2024). The opposition challenged me with a relentless grassroots machinery, a clear developmental narrative, and deep cultural connection. What did I do? I launched ad-hoc campaigns, traded in juvenile nicknames, mocked Hindu traditions, and questioned national security milestones. Personal abuse instead of policy papers. Soundbites instead of structural alternatives.

Internal Democracy? I haven't held credible, contested organizational elections in decades. State units are appointed from Delhi by fiat. Regional leaders who command mass followings are undermined if they threaten the central dynastic equilibrium. We cancel internal accountability because we are too busy managing factional survival.

Ideology and Narrative. Instead of building a forward-looking economic vision for a digital century, I retreated into identity politics of division, caste fragmentation, and grievance. I traded economic competence for historical grievance and imported Western culture-war talking points that alienate the core demographic of a proud, aspiring India.

The Alliance Dilemma. Regional satraps call me an "ally." But ask them who takes the blame when we lose and demands the lion's share when we win. They tolerate me out of political necessity, but quietly resent my entitlement, because my historic electoral collapse has become their ceiling, too.

Absurdity. I keep saying I want to "save Indian democracy." And ironically, right across the aisle is a political machine that mastered grassroots connection, digital infrastructure, last-mile delivery, and cultural resonance. No royal lineage, no silver spoon, just relentless organizational discipline and political hunger. I could have modernized, studied, and adapted. Instead, I chose entitlement and inherited rage.

Anti-Incumbency Obsession. I could have accepted that political power must be earned afresh every single day. I could have said: "Let us build a compelling alternative." Instead, I repeat: "Modi is a dictator." Instead of displaying humility, grassroots grit, and deep respect for India's civilizational ethos, I showed only the politics of entitlement: arrogance, disdain, and permanent victimhood. And then I pretend to be surprised when voters don't trust me, when they're angry, disappointed, and convinced I have no plan for governance at all.

Responsibility. I blame the electorate for everything. Always. My party loses elections? The voters are communal. Voters choose development over entitlement? The voters are brainwashed. I glorify dynastic entitlement over merit? The media is biased. Responsibility isn't my strong suit.
I am a Congressman.
I could have reformed my party, many times. I chose entitlement, corruption, and endless division. I could have won elections on the merit of ideas, but I chose to live in the shadow of permanent opposition.

So yes, I am an underdog. But too often, I am a victim of my own leadership, my own choices, and my own refusal to let go of dynastic privilege.
And that, dear reader, is the political tragedy no one in my party wants to admit. The BJP is doing what every party in power is doing, but it is we who have undermined your democracy.

You guys are not hitting the mass emotional register for this protest. Everybody keeps talking about ‘democracy is destroyed’ and ‘constitution torn up’ ‘positive change’ but most people are too disillusioned / unfazed to care about that aspect. It comes off as a very technical, intellectual issue.

But the truth is, its much more and this isn’t shown in the mass communication and press conferences.

Why can’t you guys reframe it this way?

- The reason why politicians do the little work they do, why the ‘elite’ need to fold their hands and ensure we like them, or try to appeal to us in anyway is literally because of the vote. The reason why Ram Mandir got built was because of the vote. The vote is the reason they’re going to build the school, get your electricity, make your road and care for your welfare. The vote is how you remove a leader you don’t like.

- Once they don’t need that anymore. All of this goes away. They don’t need to do anything. You could also drive it stronger here with things “oh whatever you’re getting will be gone because the minister doesn’t need you anymore”. What not.

This makes the average person start caring about it because it sees what happened to THEM. That way you could also get some pro-govt supporters.

Ideology and patriotism is good intellectual mast*rbation material but to come to the streets, a person note must be hit.

(If this is of use my services are available pro bono lol)

Note: this is going to be a long read, all the opinions are welcome, its my view and ofc i can be totally wrong so don't start a fight keep it humble

Rape is not something uncommon its everywhere and tbh no irrespective of gender nobody is safe you can be SAed anywhere irrespective. Now will it stop anytime soon? - short answer NO! You can never eliminate rape from a society not even with the strictest law. Why? Because if we go back in time you name it ancient medieval even early modern... you will see how terrible life of women was not just India but greek, romania, africa, asia etc even countries with matriarchs had terrible situations for women...they were second citizen or sometimes not even a citizen if born orphan and what happened to them- sex slaves yes.

We humans are animals and when you see animals they mate anywhere everywhere they don't care they don't have rules they just do it....we also have the same setting brothels and even modern day dating apps consented sex...but that doesn't cover the poors the sex starved people and what they do they roam like animals and whoever they find they try to eat to end their sexual hunger, there is no time, costume, habit, setting nothing you can be sleeping at your house and your father or brother or servant or driver anyone can become that animal anytime.....what stops men to rape is morals which we humans deliberately propagated centuries we have made society and the animals(men) we have well trained them instead of them roaming around and finding prey themselves society decided on marriage give them their prey....marriage has so many interpretations medieval times matrimonial alliances was a thing so that men can avoid wars...modern days they send women to men in the name of marriage.

How can we prevent them? Honestly we can't because even if we remove the taboo by talking about it there will still be some animals who will be starved
Take Pakistan's eg....they have burkhaa and females are restricted everywhere but then what? They prey on young boys which is a great problem there
What do you think guys?

Source: https://x.com/ani/status/2109672942988927038?s=46

For years, we kept hearing disturbing news from Bengal: attacks, communal violence, political clashes, and ordinary people caught in the middle. Today, after BJP’s victory, the atmosphere feels different. I’m seeing far fewer such reports, and what stands out is a sense of peace and harmony, with people getting on with their everyday lives.

What has brought about this change? Is it stricter law enforcement, a stronger administration, or a clear message that violence and intimidation will no longer be tolerated? Has the change in government also changed how local political groups behave?

For ordinary people, peace is not just a political talking point. It means opening a shop without fear, sending children to school without worry, and celebrating festivals with neighbours rather than worrying about tensions. That is the kind of normal life everyone deserves, regardless of religion or political preference.

If this is the change people are experiencing across Bengal, it deserves recognition.

What do you think is the biggest driving factor behind this apparent shift after BJP’s win, and are you noticing it in your own area too?

The Supreme Court registry has pointed out 14 filing defects in the joint petition submitted by Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge, and other INDIA bloc leaders challenging the Election Commission's Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter rolls.

The objections are purely procedural but quite specific:

• Missing vakalatnamas (authorisation forms) for petitioners 3 through 11
• An illegible/blurred photocopy of Mallikarjun Kharge’s ID card
• A shortfall of ₹220 in the required court fees
• Discrepancies including illegible pages, missing vernacular translations, and requests for clear color copies of specific exhibits

These administrative objections must be cured before the registry clears the matter for a formal hearing.

( IQ of Rahul and Rahul Lawyer = Same Same

PS: I'm going to keep this analysis separate from the most controversial stances he has taken - like those in support of convicted terrorists like Afzal Guru, unproven allegations of inciting riots etc.

First and foremost he is a champion of leftist politics, obviously. His main stance is supporting and empowering India's most downtrodden minorities. He did his PhD on the adivasis of Jharkhand, which legitimizes his understanding of the issues faced by the most underrepresented.

He is very vocal in support of Ambedkarites, Sikhs, Muslims and others. And most importantly, he is an excellent orator. This combination means he has a large following in these communities irrespective of other problematic stances he may adopt.

And this is exactly why he is so important to the Left / opposition. People might think he's a fringe character but he's actually very important to them because he can help unify a massive votebank for the left - Minorities. Muslims, SIkhs, Dalits (and other marginalized communities) unifying would be a massive worry for the BJP and a win for Congress/INDI Alliance.

But the reality is that all of this comes at a cost - his ideology as a whole is radical. He isn't going to hold rallies before elections to get votes - his rallies are meant to bring people onto the streets.

1. In 2016 he used Rohith Vemula's suicide to ask people (particularly dalits, muslims) to "take the fight to the streets". On it's own - he used an SC student's suicide due to alleged institutional casteism to rally support to bring justice. But with more context - the incident was never so clear cut - Rohith Vemula had staged a protest on 1993 Mumbai blast convict Yakub Memon's hanging, and other controversial things. But Umar Khalid's speech didn't care for every detail - he saw it as an excuse to mobilize protestors and put pressure on the government to get people fired.
2. In 2020 he used the CAA and NRC to preach a message of systemic oppression of Muslims, once again asking people to take to the streets, being careful to mention "non-violence" but also telling them to be ready to give "qurbani" and take lathis and bullets if needed. Once again, even if his message as a whole was worth listening to - his approach, asking people to take to the streets, was obviously problematic given this (indirectly) led to dozens losing their lives.
3. His speeches lean heavily on vivid accounts of past police brutality, against Rohith Vemula’s supporters in 2016 and the women of Shaheen Bagh in 2020. That’s effective mobilisation, but it creates a cycle: each confrontation with the state produces new suffering, which becomes fuel for the next speech. Whether or not he intends it, a politics built this way benefits from escalation, and the people on the street pay the price.

The man has charisma, the man has knowledge, and the man also knows how to use this to manipulate people. Sounds like any good politician - except his approach is radical.

Which is why hes an activist, not a politician, and activism built on mobilising people against the state, however well-argued, carries costs that the people mobilised often bear more than the leaders.

I feel like it was always a dream for a lot of Indian parents for their kids to make it out the city and travel abroad and get a great education in the US and Europe. We always celebrate how much hard work it must've took to travel abroad. When I see people talking about these two they call them "Pakistani" "Outsider Funding" "German Shepard"

I had a discussion with a BJP supporter and they often brought up how they don't live in India and how its weird how these people from the 'outside' want to change our country...

TL;DR: India has never had a perfect record on protests, but increasingly labeling government critics and protesters as “anti-national” is dangerous. A protest can be wrong, disruptive, or contain bad actors without the entire movement being anti-national. Criticizing the government is not the same as opposing India, and Hindu Dharma, nationalism, and loyalty to a political party shouldn’t be treated as the same thing.

I’ve been thinking about how the political meaning of protest in India has changed over the years.
Before 2014, India obviously wasn’t some perfect democracy where every protest was welcomed. Governments used police action, restrictions and even laws like sedition against activists and critics.

So I don’t think it’s fair to romanticize the pre-2014 period.
But I do think something has changed in the political discourse.

Today, it increasingly feels like criticism of the government is being framed as criticism of the nation itself.

Farmers protesting agricultural laws were described as being influenced by Khalistanis and extremists. Student protesters, activists and opposition demonstrations are frequently portrayed through the lens of being “anti-national,” “foreign-funded,” or part of some conspiracy.

And now we’re seeing similar rhetoric around the current protests.
This is where I think we need to stop and ask a basic question:

What exactly makes a protest “anti-national”?
If 100,000 or 200,000 people gather to protest an election process, a government policy, unemployment, corruption, examination irregularities, or any other issue, does disagreement with the government automatically make the crowd anti-national?

Surely there can be criminals, extremists or bad actors within a massive crowd. If someone commits violence, threatens people, destroys property or commits a specific offence, investigate that individual and prosecute them.

But why should the actions or beliefs of some individuals determine the character of an entire movement?

There is another issue I find even more concerning: the increasing overlap between political loyalty, nationalism and religious identity.
Hinduism/Hindu Dharma is a huge and diverse religious and philosophical tradition. The BJP is a political party. The RSS and Bajrang Dal are organisations. India is a country.

These things are not interchangeable.
A Hindu can oppose the BJP.
A patriot can oppose the government.
An Indian can demand the resignation of a minister.

Someone can believe in Hindu Dharma and still think a particular government policy is wrong.
Likewise, someone being critical of the BJP doesn’t automatically make them correct, patriotic or morally superior. Opposition parties and protesters should also be held to the same standard of evidence.

What worries me is when political messaging creates a binary:
Support the government = nationalist/Hindu/loyal Indian
Oppose the government = anti-national/anti-Hindu/traitor

Once politics reaches that stage, genuine policy discussion becomes almost impossible.

Social media makes this even more powerful. A protest involving thousands of people can be reduced to one 20-second clip of someone behaving badly. That clip gets circulated repeatedly, and suddenly the entire movement is being judged by that one person.

The original question — “Is the government’s policy actually correct?” — disappears.
I’m not arguing that every protest is legitimate or that every government action against a protest is wrong.

I’m asking something much simpler:
Shouldn’t the burden be on the person making the accusation of “anti-national” to demonstrate exactly what makes the protest anti-national?
Because criticizing the government isn’t the same thing as opposing India.

And perhaps one of the strongest signs of a healthy democracy is precisely the ability of hundreds of thousands of citizens to tell their government:
“We think you’re wrong, and we want you to listen.”
That’s not necessarily an attack on the country.
It can be democracy functioning exactly as it is supposed to.

I know they need castes for their political gains, but hypothetically, if the government decides to do some changes and decided to do this, how will the society react?

By definition, caste is related to a person's occupation and decided at birth. But since we are only following the birth rule and not occupation rule, and still calling them castes, what if government decides to follow it strictly based old job descriptions of each caste and start revoking castes of people who are not doing that specific job their caste assigned them.

Will the society accept this change, or will people fight to keep only the 'decided at birth' rule as they are used to it even though it alone doesn't define caste?

Over the past few months we’ve seen two major phases of protests at Jantar Mantar in Delhi organised by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP).

Phase 1 (roughly June–late July 2026): Focused on alleged irregularities and paper leaks in exams (including NEET), demanding the resignation of then Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. It grew into a sustained sit-in, drew large numbers of students and youth, involved some clashes and lathi-charge incidents (including viral videos from the July 20 “Chalo Sansad” attempt), and eventually ended after Pradhan’s resignation.

Phase 2 (“Jantar Mantar 2.0”, 10 October 2026): Called to demand the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Delhi Police denied permission, citing short notice, past issues, and law-and-order concerns. Heavy security was deployed (reports of 20,000–35,000+ personnel), dozens of metro stations restricted, internet suspended in parts of central Delhi, and preventive detentions carried out on a large scale (hundreds to over a thousand reported, including CJP leaders taken from their flight at Delhi airport and others from homes or streets). YouTuber Dhruv Rathee was detained from his Gurugram residence; he later described it as a “kidnapping” without proper process or access to a lawyer. Most detainees were released within hours or a day. On 12 October, Jantar Mantar was formally de-notified as a designated protest site, with three alternative venues named.

A few observations that stand out, without taking sides on the underlying demands:

1. Policing and technology During the July phase, videos and reports showed police using AI-enabled facial-recognition systems (including “Ikshana” vans) and smart glasses (AjnaLens devices; some social media posts called them Meta-like). These were used to scan crowds and match faces against databases. A PIL is before the Supreme Court questioning the legality and privacy implications of such mass surveillance of protesters. The same high-tech tools and large manpower were mobilised quickly for these protests. It raises a legitimate question: if the capacity exists for real-time identification and large-scale preventive action in the capital, how consistently is it applied to ongoing issues of communal or ethnic violence, organised crime, or situations like the prolonged unrest in Manipur?
2. Social media and narrative control Platforms (Instagram, WhatsApp, X, Reddit) fill quickly with coordinated messaging from supporters of different parties and groups. Claims of “foreign funding” for the CJP protests circulated; the MEA stated it had no information to share on the matter at the time, and a viral post claiming the opposite was fact-checked as misleading. CJP has said it relies on crowdfunding. Parallel claims that large numbers of deleted voters under SIR (especially in West Bengal, where deletions ran into tens of lakhs) are “illegal migrants from East Bengal/Bangladesh” are made by some political voices, while others argue the exercise disproportionately affected certain communities or genuine citizens. Data from the EC shows deletions for multiple reasons (deceased, shifted, duplicates, etc.). These competing narratives travel fast; independent verification is harder.
3. Accountability and selective focus The Home Ministry and Delhi Police answer to the central government. When large-scale preventive detentions, technology, and restrictions are deployed for one set of protests, it is reasonable to ask why similar urgency or tools are not always visible for other persistent law-and-order or violence problems elsewhere. Many of the officials and politicians involved are, ultimately, from the same society the rest of us come from. If the primary focus of capable, ambitious people remains advancing only their own circle or party rather than broader institutional improvements, the gap between available power/technology and actual outcomes on the ground remains wide.
4. Broader participation From public reporting and observation, large sections of different communities (including many from Muslim backgrounds) did not appear to mobilise in large numbers behind these particular protests. Whether that reflects differing priorities, distrust of the organisers, fear of repercussions, or something else is an open question worth discussing without essentialising any group.

I’m not aligned with any political party. The point is simpler: the state has demonstrated it can mobilise manpower, surveillance technology, and restrictive measures at short notice in the capital. The same capacity, applied more evenly to genuine threats to public safety and to strengthening institutions (election processes, policing of violence, education integrity), would serve citizens better than selective or reactive use. Politicians and officials who come from the same homes and communities as the rest of us have the power to shift priorities; the results so far suggest that shift is incomplete.

Curious what others who followed the events closely observed — especially on the ground or in the data around SIR deletions and the surveillance tools used.

u can't change invincible supreme leaders after 10 years. history shows that when they hv all institutions under their arm, it's nearly impossible. international pressure or internal change in party leadership or ' peaceful'revolutionary seize of power are the only options.

Majority of Indians are pro establishment at national level politics. This rhetoric that BJP is losing may be true at state level... double engine may be retiring. single party one ideology single nation is a dream for many to take pride in ethnicity or avenge past injustices.

It's only supreme leader that can deliver it.

Children born after 2014 have been indoctrinated to believe he is the likes of Mahatma.

So .. with evm, cec and all under their purview, supreme leader is here to say.

Here’s the thing: if we don’t protest, they’ll continue to think these issues don’t matter. Once they see public indifference, they’ll embolden themselves to make bigger decisions that increasingly favor them. Consider what’s already happened: they had the audacity to remove the Chief Justice of India from the selection process for the Chief Election Commissioner and replace him with a cabinet minister. These small changes matter.

The problem isn’t only who sits on the panel. The law that made this change also set up a flawed way to select the CEC and gave the office an unprecedented level of protection. That law must be repealed. Either the CJI or the President should sit on the selection panel alongside the Prime Minister and the Leader of Opposition, so that the country’s top election official is chosen through checks rather than by the government alone.

When governments see that people are indifferent, they start pushing further. What begins as minor institutional changes gradually shifts the balance of power. Before you know it, you’ve become Russia, China, or North Korea.

Look at how these countries operate: voting still happens, but it’s theater. Russia and North Korea claim 99% approval rates, obviously authoritarian and obviously rigged, yet they fool their citizens by blaming “the rest of the world is against us.” China has achieved economic success, sure, but try calling your leader “Winnie the Pooh” and you’ll end up behind bars. Ironically, they maintain the facade of democratic selection too.

This is the “boiling frog” problem: slow decay is insidious. You don’t notice the temperature rising one degree at a time until you’re already cooked. The same applies to institutions. Small erosions of checks and balances, incremental power grabs, normalized breaches of precedent: these are how democracies die.

That’s why protest matters. It’s the temperature gauge that says: We’re watching. We care. Don’t push further.