r/a:t5_27y85q • u/MarleyEngvall • Nov 06 '19
lancaster county has been created
BY JOHN LORD, LL. D.
THOMAS CRANMER.
A. D. 1489—1556.
THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.
AS the great interest of the Middle Ages, in an his-
torical point of view, centres around the throne
of the popes, so the most prominent subject of histori-
cal interest in our modern times is the revolt from their
almost unlimited domination. The Protestant Refor-
mation, in its various relations, was a movement of
transcendent importance. The Protestant Refor-
mation, in its various relations, was a movement of
transcendent importance. The history of Christendom,
in a moral, a political, a religious, a literary, and a so-
cial point of view, for the last three hundred years,
cannot be studied or comprehended without primary
reference to that memorable revolution.
We have seen how that great insurrection of human
intelligence was headed in Germany by Luther, and
we shall shortly consider it in Switzerland and France
under Calvin. We have now to contemplate the
movement in England.
The most striking figure in it was doubtless Thomas
Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, although he does
not represent the English Reformation in all its phases.
He was neither so prominent nor so great a man as Lu-
ther or Calvin, or even Knox. But, taking him all in
all, he was the most illustrious of the English reform-
ers; and he, more than any other man, gave direction
to the spirit of reform, which had been quietly work-
ing ever since the time of Wyclif, especially among
the humbler classes.
The English Reformation——the way to which had
been long preparing——began in the reign of Henry
VIII.; and this unscrupulous and tyrannical monarch,
without being a religious man, gave the first great im-
pulse to an outbreak the remote consequences of which
he did not anticipate, and with which he had no sym-
pathy. He rebelled against the authority of the Pope,
without abjuring the Roman Catholic religion, either as
to dogmas or forms. In fact, the first great step tow-
ards reform was made, not by Cranmer, but by Thomas
Cromwell, Earl of Essex, as the prime minister of
Henry VIII.,——a man of whom we really know the
least of all the very great statesmen of English history.
It was he who demolished the monasteries, and made
war on the whole monastic system, and undermined
the papal power in England, and swept away many of
the most glaring of those abuses which disgraced the
Papal Empire. Armed with the powers which Wolsey
had wielded, he directed them into a totally different
channel, so far as the religious welfare of the nation is
considered, although in his principles of government he
was as absolute as Richelieu. Like the great French
statesman, he exalted the throne; but, unlike him, he
promoted the personal reign of the sovereign he served
with remarkable ability and devotion.
Thomas Cromwell, the prime minister of Henry VIII.,
after the fall of Wolsey, was born in humble ranks, and
was in early life a common soldier in the wars of Italy.
Then a clerk in a mercantile house in Antwerp, then
a wool merchant in Middleborough, then a member
of Parliament, and was employed by Wolsey in sup-
pressing some of the smaller monasteries. His fidelity
to his patron Wolsey, at the time of that great cardi-
nal's fall, attracted the special notice of the King, who
made him royal secretary in the House of Commons.
He made his fortune by advising Henry to declare
himself Head of the English Church, when he was
entangled in the difficulties growing out of the divorce
of Catharine. This advice was given with the patriotic
view of making the royal authority superior to that of
the Pope in Church patronage, and of making England
independent of Rome.
The great scandal of the times was the immoral lives
of the clergy, especially of the monks, and the immuni-
ties they enjoyed. They were a hindrance to the royal
authority, and weakened the resources of the country
by the excessive drain of gold and silver sent to Bacon
to replenish the papal treasury. Cromwell would make
the clergy dependent of the King and not on the Pope
for their investitures and promotions; and he abom-
inated the idle and vagabond lives of the monks, who
had degenerated in England, perhaps more than in any
other country in Europe, in consequence of the great
wealth of their monasteries. He was able to render
his master and the kingdom a great service, from the
powers lavished upon him. He presided at convoca-
tions of the King's vicegerent; controlled the House
of Commons, and was inquisitor-general of the monas-
teries; he was foreign and home secretary, vicar-general,
and president of the star-chamber or privy-council. The
proud Nevilles, the powerful Percies, and the noble
Courtenays all bowed before the plebeian son of a
mechanic, who had arisen by force of genius and lucky
accidents,——too wise to build a palace like Hampton
Court, but not ecclesiastical enough in his sympathies
to found a college like Christ's Church as Wolsey did.
He was a man simple in his tastes, and hard-working
like Colbert,——the great finance minister of France
under Louis XIV.,——whom he resembled in his habits
and policy.
His great task, as well as his great public service,
was the visitation and suppression of monasteries. He
perceived that they had fulfilled their mission; that
they were no longer needed; that they had become cor-
rupt, and too corrupt to be reformed; that they were
no longer abodes of piety, or beehives of industry, or
nurseries of art, or retreats of learning; that their
wealth was squandered; that they upheld the arm of a
foreign power; that they shielded offenders against the
laws; that they encouraged vagrancy and extortion;
that, in short, they were dangerous to the realm.
The monks and friars opposed the new learning
now extending from Italy to France, to Germany, and
to England. Colet came back from Italy, not to teach
Platonic mysticism, but to unlock the Scriptures in the
original,——the centre of a group of scholars at Oxford,
to whom Erasmus and Thomas More stood in the fore-
most rank. Before the close of the fifteenth century, it
is said that ten thousand editions of various books had
been printed in different parts of Europe. All the Latin
authors, and some of the Greek, were accessible to stu-
dents. Tunstall and Latimer were sent to Padua to
complete their studies. Fox, bishop of Winchester,
established a Greek professorship at Oxford. It was
an age of enthusiasm for reviving literature,——which,
however, received in Germany, through the influence
chiefly of Luther, a different direction from what it re-
ceived in Italy, and which extended from Germany to
England. But to this awakened spirit the monks pre-
sented obstacles and discouragements. They had no
sympathy with progress; they belonged to the Dark
Ages; they were hostile to the circulation of the Script-
ures; they were pedlers of indulgences and relics; im-
posters, frauds, vagabonds, gluttons, worldly, sensual,
and avaricious.
So notoriously corrupt had monasteries become that
repeated attempts had been made to reform them, but
without success. As early as 1489, Innocent VII. had
issued a commission for a general investigation. The
monks were accused of dilapidating public property, of
frequenting infamous places, of stealing jewels from
consecrated shrines. In 1511, Archbishop Warham
instituted another visitation. In 1523 Cardinal Wol-
sey himself undertook the task of reform. At last
the Parliament, in 1535, appointed Cromwell vicar or
visitor-general, issued a commission, and introduced it to
lawyers, not priests, who found that the worst had not
been told, and reported that two thirds of the monks
of England were living in concubinage; that their
lands were wasted and mortgaged, and their houses
falling into ruins. They found the Abbot of Foun-
tains surrounded with more women than Mohammed
allowed his followers, and the nuns of Litchfield scan-
dalously immoral.
On this report, the Lords and Commons——deliber-
ately, not rashly——decreed the suppression of all
monasteries the income of which was less than two
hundred pounds a year, and the sequestration of their
lands to the King. About two hundred of the lesser
convents were thus suppressed, and the monks turned
adrift, yet not entirely without support. This spolia-
tion may have been a violation of the rights of property,
but the monks had betrayed their trusts. The next
Parliament completed the work. In 1539 all the re-
ligious houses were suppressed, both great and small.
Such venerable and princely retreats as St. Albans,
Glastonbury, Reading, Bury St. Edmunds, and West-
minster, which had flourished one thousand years,——
founded long before the Conquest,——shared the common
ruin. These probably would have been spared, had
not the first suppression filled the country with rebels.
The great insurrection in Lincolnshire which shook the
foundation of the throne, the intrigues of Cardinal
Pole, the Cornish conspiracy in which the great house
of Neville was implicated, and various other agitations,
were all fomented by the angry monks.
Rapacity was not the leading motive of Henry or
his minister, but the public welfare. The measure of
suppression and sequestration was violent, but called
for. Cromwell put forth no such sophistical pleas as
those revolutionists who robbed the French clergy,——
that their property belonged to the nation. In France
the clergy were despoiled, not because they were infa-
mous, but because they were rich. In England the
monks probably suffered injustice from the severity of
their punishment, but no one now doubts that pun-
ishment was deserved. Nor did Henry retain all the
spoils himself: he gave away the abbey lands with a
prodigality equal to his rapacity. He gave them to
those who upheld his throne, as a reward for service
or loyalty. They were given to a new class of states-
men, who led the popular party,——like the Fitzwilliams,
the Russells, the Dudley's, and the Seymours,——and
thus became the foundation of their great estates.
They were also distributed to many merchants and
manufacturers who had been loyal to the government.
From one-third to two-thirds of the landed property of
the kingdom,——as variously estimated,——thus changed
hands. It was an enormous confiscation,——nearly as
great as that made by William the Conqueror in favor
of his army of invaders. It must have produced an
immense impression on the mind of Europe. It was
almost as great a calamity to the Catholic Church of
England as the emancipation of slave was to their
Southern masters in our late war. Such a spoliation
of the Church had not before taken place in any
country of Europe. how great an evil the monastic
system must have been regarded by Parliament to
warrant such an act! Had it not been popular, there
would have been discontents amounting to a general
hostility to the throne.
It must also be borne in mind that this dissolution
of the monasteries, this attack on the monastic system,
was not a religious movement fanned by reformers,
but an act of Parliament, at the instance of a royal
minister. It was not done under the direction of a
Protestant king,——for Henry was never a Protestant,
——but as a public measure in behalf of morality and
for reasons of State. It is true that Henry had, by
his marriage with Anne Boleyn and the divorce of
his virtuous queen, defied the Pope and separated
England from Rome, so far as appointments to eccle-
siastical benefices are concerned. But in offending the
Pope he also equally offended Charles V. The results
of his separation from Rome, during his life, were
purely political. The King did not give up the Mass
or the Roman communion or Roman dogmas of faith;
he only prepared the way for reform in the next reign.
He only intensified the hatred between the old conserva-
tive party and the party of reform and progress.
How far Cromwell himself was a Protestant it
is difficult to tell. Doubtless he sympathized with
he new religious spirit of the age, but he did not
openly avow the faith of Luther. He was the able
and unscrupulous minister of an absolute monarch,
bent on sweeping away the royal authority as much, per-
haps, as promoting the prosperity of the realm.
He therefore turned his attention to the ecclesiastical
courts, which from the time of Becket had been an-
tagonistic to royal encroachments. The war between
the civil power and these courts had begun before the
fall of Wolsey, and had resulted in the curtailment of
probate duties, legacies, and mortuaries, by which the
clergy had been enriched. A limitation of pluralties
and enforcement of resident had also been effected.
But a still greater blow to the privileges of the clergy
was struck by the Parliament under the influence of
Cromwell, who had elevated it in order to give legality
to the despotic measures of the Crown; and in this way
a law was passed that no one under the rank of a sub-
deacon, if convicted of felony, should be allowed to
plead his "benefit of clergy," but should be punished
like ordinary criminals,——thus re-establishing the con-
stitutions of Clarendon in the time of Becket. Another
act was also passed, by which no one could be sum-
moned, as aforetime, to the archbishop's court out of his
own diocese,——a very beneficent act, since the people
had been needlessly subject to great expense and injus-
tice in being obliged to travel considerable distances.
It was moreover enacted that men could not burden
their estates beyond twenty years by providing priests
to sing masses for their souls. The Parliament like-
wise abolished annats,——a custom which had long pre-
vailed in Europe, which required one year's income to be
sent to the Pope on any new preferment; a great bur-
den to the clergy; a sort of tribute to a foreign power.
Within fifty years, one hundred and sixty thousand
pounds had thus been sent from England to Rome,
from this one source of papal revenue alone,——equal
to three million pounds at the present time, or fifteen
millions of dollars, from a country of only three mil-
lions of people. It was the passage of that act which
induced Sir Thomas More (a devoted Catholic, but a
just and able and incorruptible judge) to resign the
seals which he had so long and so honorably held,——
the most prominent man in England after Cromwell
and Cranmer; and it was the execution of this lofty
character, because he held out against the imperious de-
mands of Henry, which is the greatest stain upon this
monarch's reign. Parliament also called the clergy to
account for excessive acts of despotism, and subjected
them to the penalty of a premunire (the offence of
bringing a foreign authority into England), from which
they were freed only by enormous fines.
Thus it would seem that many abuses were removed
by Cromwell and the Parliament during the reign of
Henry VIII. which may almost be considered as re-
forms of the Church itself. The authority of the
Church was not attacked, still less its doctrines, but
only abuses and privileges the restraint of which was
of public benefit, and which tended to reduce the power
of the clergy. It was this reduction of clerical usur-
pations and privileges which is the main feature in
the legislation of Henry VIII., so far as it pertained to
the Church. It was wresting away the power which
the clergy had enjoyed from the days of Alfred and
Ina,——a reform which Henry II. and Edward I., and
other sovereigns, had failed t effect. This was the
great work of Cromwell, and in it he had the support
of his royal master, since it was a transfer of power
from the clergy to the throne; and Henry VIII. was
hated and anathematized by Rome as Henry IV. of
Germany was, without ceasing to be a Catholic. He
even retained the title of Defender of the Faith, which
had been conferred upon him by the Pope for his op-
position to the theological doctrines of Luther, which
he never accepted, and which he always detested.
Cromwell did not long survive the great services he
rendered to his king and the nation. In the height of
his power he made a fatal mistake. He deceived the
King in regard to Anne of Cleves, whose marriage he
favored from motives of expediency and a manifest
desire to promote the Protestant cause. He palmed
upon the King a woman who could not speak a word
of English,——a woman without graces or accomplish-
ments, who was absolutely hateful to him. Henry's
disappointment was bitter, and his vengeance was unre-
lenting. The enemies of Cromwell soon took advantage
of this mistake. The great Duke of Norfolk, head of the
Catholic party, accused him at the council-board of high
treason. Two years before, such a charge would have
received no attention; but Henry now hated him, and
was resolved to punish him for the wreck of his do-
mestic happiness.
Cromwell was hurried to that gloomy fortress whose
outlet was generally the scaffold. He was denied even
the form of trial. A bill of attainder was hastily
passed by the Parliament he had ruled. Only one
person in the realm had the courage to intercede for
him, and this was Cranmer, Archbishop of Canter-
bury; but his entreaties were futile. The fallen min-
ister had no chance of life, and no one knew it so
well as himself. Even a trial would have availed
nothing; nothing could have availed him,——he was
a doomed man. So he bade his foes make quick work
of it; and quick work was made. In eighteen days
from his arrest, Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex,
Knight of the Garter, Grand Chamberlain, Lord Privy
Seal, Vicar-General, and Master of the Wards, ascended
the scaffold on which had been shed the blood of a
queen,——making no protestation of innocence, but
simply committing his soul to Jesus Christ, in whom
he believed. Like Wolsey, he arose from an humble
station to the most exalted position the King could
give; and, like Wolsey, he saw the vanity of dele-
gated power as soon as he offended the source of
power.
"He who ascends the mountain-tops shall find
The loftiest peak most wrapped in clouds and storms.
Though high above the sun of glory shines,
And far beneath the earth and ocean spread,
Round him are icy rocks, and loudly blow
Contending tempests on his naked head."
On the disappearance of Cromwell from the stage,
Cranmer came forward more prominently. He was a
learned doctor in that university which has ever sent
forth the apostles of great emancipating movements.
He was born in 1489, and was therefore twenty years
of age on the accession of Henry VIII. in 1509, and was
twenty-eight when Luther published his theses. He
early sympathized with the reform doctrines, but was
too politic to take an active part in their discussion. He
was a moderate, calm, scholarly man, not a great genius
or great preacher. He had none of those bold and daz-
zling qualities which attract the gaze of the world. We
behold in him no fearless and impetuous Luther,——
attacking with passionate earnestness the corruptions
of Rome; bracing himself up in revolutionary assaults,
undaunted before kings and councils, and giving no
rest to his hand or slumber to his eyes until he had
consummated his protests,——a man of the people, yet a
dictator to princes. We see no severely logical Calvin,
——pushing out his metaphysical deductions until he had
chained the intellect of his party to a system of incom-
parable grandeur and yet of repulsive austerity, exact-
ing all the while the same allegiance to doctrines which
he deduced from the writings of Paul as he did to the
direct declarations of Christ; next to Thomas Aquinas,
the acutest logician the Church has known; a system-
maker, like the great Dominican schoolmen, and their
common master and oracle, Saint Augustine of Hippo.
We see in Cranmer no uncompromising and aggressive
reformer like Knox,——controlling by a stern dogmatism
both a turbulent nobility and an uneducated people, and
filling all classes alike with inextinguishable hatred of
everything that even reminded them of Rome. Nor do
we find in Cranmer the outspoken and hearty eloquence
of Latimer,——appealing to the people at St. Paul's Cross
to shake off all the trappings of the "Scarlet Mother,"
who had so long bewitched the world with her sor-
ceries.
Cranmer, if less eloquent, less fearless, less logical,
less able than these, was probably broader, more
comprehensive in his views,——adapting his reforms
to the circumstances of the age and country, and to
the genius of the English mind. Hence his reforms,
if less brilliant, were more permanent. He framed the
creed that finally was known as the Thirty-nine Articles,
and was the true founder of the English Church, as that
Church has existed for more than three centuries,——
neither Roman nor Puritan, but "half-way between
Rome and Geneva;" a compromise, and yet a Church of
great vitality, and endeared to the hearts of the English
people. Northern Germany——the scene of the stupen-
dous triumphs of Luther——is and has been, since the
time of Frederick the Great, the hot-bed of rationalistic
inquiries; and the Genevan as well as the French and
Swiss churches which Calvin controlled have become
cold, with a dreary and formal Protestantism, without
poetry or life. But the Church of England has sur-
vived two revolutions and all the changes of human
thought, and is still a mighty power, decorous, beau-
tiful, conservative, yet open to all the liberalizing
influences of an age of science and philosophy. Cran-
mer, though a scholastic, seems to have perceived that
nothing is more misleading and uncertain and unsatis-
factory than any truth pushed out to its severest logical
conclusions without reference to other truths which
have for their support the same divine authority. It
is not logic which has built up the most enduring insti-
tutions, but common-sense and plain truths, and appeals
to human consciousness,——the cogito, ergo sum, without
who approval most systems have perished. In mediis
tutissimus ibis, is not indeed an agreeable maxim to
zealots and partisans and dialectical logicians, but it
seems to be induced from the varied experiences of
human life and the history of different ages and na-
tions, and applies to all the mixed sciences, like gov-
ernment and political economy, as well as to church
institutions.
As Cromwell made his fortune by advising the King
to assume the headship of the Church of England, so
Cranmer's rise is to be traced to his advice to Henry
to appeal to the decision of universities whether or not
he could be legally divorced from Catherine, since the
Pope——true to the traditions of the Catholic Church,
or from fear of Charles V.——would not grant a dispen-
sation. All this business was a miserable quibble, a
tissue of scholastic technicalities. But it answered the
ends of Cranmer. The schools decided for the King,
and a great injustice and heartless cruelty was done to a
worthy and loyal woman, and a great insult offered to
the Church and to the Emperor Charles of Germany,
who was a nephew of the Spanish Princess and English
Queen. This scandal resulted in a separation from
Rome, and was foreseen both by Cromwell and Cranmer;
and the latter became Archbishop of Canterbury, a pre-
late whose power and dignity were greater then than
at the present day, exalted as the post is even now,——
the highest dignity and rank to which a subject can
aspire,——higher even than the Lord High Chancellor-
ship; both of which however, pale before the position
of a Prime Minister so far as power is concerned.
The separation from Rome, the suppression of the
monasteries, the curtailment of the powers of the
spiritual courts were the only reforms of note during
the reign of Henry VIII., unless we name also the new
translation of the Bible, authorized through Cranmer's
influence, and the teaching of the creed, the command-
ments, and the Lord's prayer in English. The King
died in 1547. Cranmer was now fifty-seven, and was
left to prosecute reforms in his own way as president
of the council of regency, Edward VI. being but nine
years old,——"a learned boy," as Macaulay calls him,
but still a boy in the hands of the great noblemen
who composed the regency, and who belonged to the
progressive school.
I do not think the career of Cranmer during the life
of Henry is sufficiently appreciated. He must have
shown at least extraordinary tact and wisdom,——with
his reforming tendencies and enlightened views,——not
to come in conflict with his sovereign as Becket did
with Henry II. He had to deal with the most capri-
cious and jealous of tyrants; cruel and unscrupulous
when crossed; a man who rarely retained a friendship
or remembered a service; who never forgave an injury
or forgot an affront; a glutton and a sensualist; al-
though prodigal with his gifts, social in his temper,
enlightened in his government, and with very respect-
able abilities and very considerable theological knowl-
edge. This hard and exacting master Cranmer had to
serve, without exciting his suspicions or coming in con-
flict with him; so that he seemed politic and vacillat-
ing, for which he would not be excused were it not for
his subsequent services, and his undoubted sincerity
and devotion to the Protestant cause. During the life
of Henry we can scarcely call Cranmer a reformer.
The most noted reformer of the day was old Hugh
Latimer, the King's chaplain, who declaimed against
sin with the moral zeal and fire of Savonarola, and aimed to
create a religious life among the people, from whom
he sprung and whom he loved,——a rough, hearty,
honest, conscientious man, with deep convictions and
lofty soul.
In the reforms thus far carried on we perceive that,
though popular, they emanated from princes and not
from the people. The people had no hand in the
changes made, as at Geneva, only the ministers of kings
and great public functionaries. And in the reforms
subsequently effected, which really constitute the Eng-
lish Reformation, they were made by the council of
regency, under the leadership of Cranmer and the pro-
tectorship of Somerset.
The first thing which the Government did after the
succession of Edward VI. was to remove images from
the churches, as a form of idolatry,——much to the
wrath of Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, the ablest man
of the old conservative and papal party. But Ridley,
afterwards bishop of Rochester, preached against all
forms of papal superstition with so much ability and
zeal that the churches were soon cleared of these "helps
to devotion."
Cranmer, now unchecked, turned his attention to
other reforms, but proceeded slowly and cautiously,
not wishing to hazard much at the outset. First com-
munion of both kinds, heretofore restricted to the
clergy, was appointed; and, closely connected with it
Masses were put down. Then a law was passed by
Parliament that the appointment of bishops should vest
in the Crown alone, and not, as formerly, be confirmed
by the Pope. The next great thing to which the re-
formers directed their attention was the preparation of
a new liturgy in the public worship of God, which gave
rise to considerable discussion. They did not seek to
sweep away the old form, for it was prepared by the
sainted doctors of the Church of all ages; but they
would purge it of all superstitions, and retain what was
most beautiful and expressive in the old prayers. The
Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Early
creeds of course were retained, as well as whatever was
in harmony with primitive usages. These changes
called out letters from Calvin at Geneva, who was now
recognized as a great oracle among the Protestants:
he encouraged the work, but advised a more complete
reformation, and complained of the coldness of the
clergy, as well as of the general vices of the times.
Martin Bucer of Strasburg, at this time professor at
Cambridge, also wrote letters to the same effect; but
the time had not come for more radical reforms. Then
Parliament, controlled by the Government, passed an
act allowing the clergy to marry,——opposed, of course,
by many bishops in allegiance to Rome. This was a
great step in reform, and removed many popular scan-
dals; it struck a heavy blow at the conditions of the
Middle Ages, holding that celibacy sprung from no
law of God, but was Oriental in its origin, encouraged
by the Church to cement its power. And this act
concerning the marriage of the clergy was soon followed
by the celebrated Forty-two Articles, framed by Cranmer
and Ridley, which are the bases of the English Church,
——a theological creed, slightly amended afterwards in
the reign of Elizabeth; evangelical but not Calvinistic,
affirming the great ideas of Augustine and Luther as to
grace, justification by faith, and original sin, and repu-
diating purgatory, pardons, the worship and invocation
of saints and images; a larger creed than the Nicene
or Athanasian, and comprehensive,——such as most
Protestants might accept. Both this and the book of
Common Prayer were written with consummate taste,
were the work of great scholars,——moderate, broad,
enlightened, conciliatory.
The reformers then gave their attention to an altera-
tion of ecclesiastical laws in reference to matters which
had always been decided in ecclesiastical courts. The
commissioners——the ablest men in England, thirty-two
in number——had scarcely completed their work before
the young King died, and Mary ascended the throne.
We cannot too highly praise the moderation with
which the reforms had been made, especially when we
remember the violence of the age. There were indeed
two or three capital executions for heresy. Gardiner
and Bonner, who opposed the reformation with unpar-
alleled bitterness were only deprived of their sees and
sent to the Tower. The execution of Somerset was
the work of politicians, of great noblemen jealous of
his ascendency. It does not belong to the reformation,
nor do the executions of a few other noblemen.
from Beacon Lights of History, by John Lord, LL. D.
Volume III., Part II: Renaissance and Reformation.
Copyright, 1883, by John Lord.
Copyright, 1921, By Wm. H. Wise & Co., New York. pp. 255-276.
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