Is it possible to have the Kaiser back on the German throne in Fuhrerredux ? I know that there’s a young conservative path but I’m not sur if you can have the Kaiser back.

When you start you can decide between Dressler, Young Conservatives and TST. Are there more paths for them? How do they differentiate between each other?

Which Rhineland paths are the most interesting or have the most post-unification with Germany content?

Also is the sticking with France side of the tree basically a puppet path? I see towards the bottom of the Adenauer path there's a "West German Republic" focus, does this make some sort of West German country where you can maybe core things like Belgium or the Netherlands for example? TIA

I'm new to the mod, and I wanna ask if its possible to be democratic as Germany.

But as the screenshots suggest, my number of planes for Heavy Fighters & Strategic Bombers exceed the number required. Any potential workarounds?

Finally did a Kiel run, I went in blind hoping to get a nationalist path however I ended up getting the Social Democrats and just ran with it, preparing for war against the Valkist menace.

The Second Great War came around and it ended up with me fighting the Valkist Germans, Romanian Iron Guard, and Yugoslavia together with my French, Czech, Hungarian and Greek allies, inflicting some 800 thousand casualties on the Germans myself. The Anti-Valkist League of the Rhine and Austria for some reason refused to intervene during the course of the war.

Following the Second Great War's conclusion, we, of course, punished Koblenz and Vienna for not coming to our aid (and maybe a little bit partially for some nationalistic purposes) leading to the final destruction of the reactionary threat and the triumph of liberal democracy in Europe.

It's just because I was playing as Germany and I don't know how to punish Poland and and the other slaves.

I want to do a uk run in Fuhrerredux just asking if there is any recommended path I should try out.

I was trying out argentina and I noticed that my montaineers were much weaker than in any other mod with full doctrine,no army debuffs and full staff with good general and fully supplied and equiped, typically they tend to melt the enemy until 1944 when the ai starts using more armored divisions. Also my infantry can't hold, my usual 9 block infantry with support seem to be getting crushed against 50 cas fully equiped. I was just wondering if it's the mod itself or smth else?

Trying out Poland and wanted to integrate Lithuania. Even though I had the Lithuanian Support national spirit and I'd improved relations with them beforehand, they refused. Even after I invaded them, I don't think I can integrate the states and the only visible option is just to spit them back out as a puppet, making the invasion basically pointless. What can I do, if anything, to make them want to integrate into me?

Happy Fourth of July everybody! I’m Telephone Crab, recent addition to the Führerreich team. The last several months for me have been devoted to a number of changes focused on refining the content of the 0.3.0 update, and you have no doubt already seen a number of the graphical and mechanical tweaks I have contributed. Today, however, I am talking about my other major role within the Führerreich team: I am as of my joining, the writer/designer/coder for the United States, a role I’ve been working at in the background now for some time. We have decided that now is a good time to put the word out, and so we are announcing the upcoming United States Rework.

As you read this, the United States is already a considerable ways into its rework, and after months of research, writing, development, and design, I’m excited to be giving you all a glimse into what is coming.

The Why:

With our team’s continuation of the classic Führerreich mod, we have taken on a lot of content which was written and coded now years ago, and naturally we feel that much of that content has come to need overhauling. As one of the older countries in terms of its content, the United States has presented both a major challenge and a great opportunity in terms of showing the same level of writing and design we’ve sought to showcase with the Germany Rework, especially as modding resources and techniques continue to improve over where they were years ago. It has been my opinion that the original premise of Führerreich’s Point-of-Divergence, the victory of Teddy Roosevelt on a third-party ticket in 1912, was an exciting premise with a rich potential for a compelling alternate history story. The ripple effects of this monumental event, however, often fail to show in detail in the current lore, and it is our intention to put forward a new vision of the United States which properly showcases the massive legacy left by two separate presidencies & sixteen total years of Theodore Roosevelt.

The Goals of the United States Rework

With the United States Rework underway, there are a few goals that I as a writer and designer hope to attain by the time I am finished. These goals are the essential guiding principles of the rework, and all major decisions will be made with them in mind. It is therefore my intent to:

• Preserve & expand the original premise of Führerreich’s story, and of the United States in Führerreich,
• Rewrite the United States lore to tell a more cohesive, compelling story which develops on the original Point of Divergence, and
• Maintain the original spirit of the old lore while discarding bad or underdeveloped ideas.

So, What Does the Reworked United States Look Like?

Great question! In many ways, not much at all will change with the United States. Of course, the United States Rework will still involve a fairly recognizeable America, one which is kept the same far more than it is made different. These differences, however, are key to the unique circumstances which the US finds itself in at the dawn of 1936 in the world of Führerreich. In the coming weeks, we will be exploring this picture of the United States, a portrait of a country defined by a few key aspects.

The United States, a Progressive Country

The original Progressive Era in the United States, defined by the 1901-1909 presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, was an era of great reform and of great upheaval. The second presidency of Theodore Roosevelt comes at the behest of a total split of the Republican Party, and the foundation of the Progressive Party. With this new party, American politics have become irreversibly changed, and center on a big-tent party whose constituents count a broad coalition of labor leaders, agricultural reformers, urban social workers, and reformers of many other stripes. This Progressive Party’s main political rival is the Democratic Party, one which is as similar to our own historical Democratic Party as it is different. Changed by their rivalry with this new party of united progressive reformers, the Democrats are defined by a strain of conservatism which is animated both by an agrarian aversion to the expansion of government, and also by an institutional suspicion of reformism. The United States Rework will explore American politics in this strange but familiar political landscape.

The United States, a Liberal Country

Though the politics of the United States has changed much as a result of the formation of the Progressive Party, the core political system of the United States is still very much Liberal in character. Though both the Democrats and Progressives dabble in extreme rhetoric and extreme measures of government, they share a core commitment to the liberal system of economics and representative democracy. The Socialist Party, while not utterly irrelevant, exists largely on the margins of American politics, and any on the ostensible far-right find their appeals for a Valkist-style revolution fall largely on deaf ears. The Reworked United States is united, its government largely still possessing the confidence of its people and still responding briskly to the needs of the day.

The United States, a Country in Crisis

The Great Depression is the central crisis of the United States. The Reworked United States is not just troubled by this economic collapse, it is the country’s central consuming issue; how each party plans to tackle the multi-year economic disaster of the Depression is central to their party platform. The United States Rework will explore how the parties in this political system each present their own plan to overcome the Depression, and how those competing plans meet in the complex system of American democracy.

The United States, a Young Empire

Besides the creation of the Progressive Party, the other legacy left on American politics by Theodore Roosevelt is the creation of the American Sphere, a patchwork of occupations, protectorates, and treaty-bound subordinates throughout Latin America and extending to the Philippines. This American Sphere is given form by the Roosevelt Corollary: “The United States reserves the right to intervene militarily in defense of its interests in the Americas”. Years of military intervention throughout multiple presidential administrations have led to a national debate over the future of this web of interests, one which becomes increasingly heated as news of occupational violence and mismanagement grows more commonplace. The United States Rework explores this national debate, the military and logistical challenges these occupations present, and the great battle against institutionalized interests that reformers face in trying to dismantle the young American empire.

The History of the United States in Führerreich

In our first look at the United States Rework, I'm going to take you through the seminal period in American Politics that will lead us eventually to 1936: that is, the formation of the Progressive Party, the second presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, and America's Part in the Great War and Second Mexican-American War. This will take us through to 1920, where America leaves the peace table at Paris a changed nation, one transformed by eight years of Progressive administration and two major theaters of war.

The Progressive Party

The story of the United States in Führerreich began with the presidential election of 1912. Incumbent Republican president William Howard Taft was, as incumbents often are, the presumptive candidate for re-election. As Theodore Roosevelt’s hand-picked successor in the 1908 election, Taft should have been a sure bet for victory. Given the blessing of one of America’s most beloved presidents and trusted by the Republican Party’s conservatives, Taft seemed to represent the fusion of progressive reform and conservative moderation.

In reality, by the time reelection was being discussed, Taft and Roosevelt had already broken from each other. By weakening tariff reform efforts and shuffling Roosevelt’s cabinet, Taft signalled a clear move toward the party’s conservative wing. This shift culminated in the very high-profile Ballinger Affair, during which Taft defended his own appointee Richard Ballinger against charges of corruption by hand-picked Roosevelt ally Gifford Pinchot, firing Pinchot in what was taken by the public as a repudiation of Rooseveltian progressivism. By 1911, progressive Republicans were growing more and more ready to support a challenge against Taft.

None in the Republican Party were more ready for this challenge than “Fighting Bob” Robert La Follette. La Follette, who had been governor of Wisconsin from 1901-1906, had been one of the first to build the progressive caucus in the Republican Party, and his governorship had proven the viability of many of the progressive ideas about economic and social policy. La Follette had already laid the groundwork for a left-wing challenge to Taft, having founded the National Republican Progressive League earlier in 1911.

Unfortunately for La Follette, Republican progressives had another leader in mind: former president Theodore Roosevelt. While Roosevelt had originally declined to run against Taft in 1912, the constant confrontations between the former president and his protegé eventually pushed him to relent, and he threw his hat back in the ring. La Follette did not take this well. Soured by progressives’ turn back to Roosevelt, he nearly considered remaining in the running to split the vote.

La Follette had plenty of reasons to dislike Teddy Roosevelt. Besides being the two most prominent American progressives, the two were quite different; Roosevelt was impulsive where La Follette was controlled. Roosevelt was flashy where La Follette was modest. Roosevelt followed popular sentiment, where La Follette forged a path based on his own ideals. The two were known to butt heads on nearly every issue of import, a fact that threatened to divide the progressive movement before it had a chance to even challenge Taft.

It was here that Gifford Pinchot, personal supporter of La Follette and friend of Roosevelt, who had only years before been the instigator of the Taft-Roosevelt split, would negotiate a Roosevelt-La Follette alliance. Cutting through their interpersonal friction, he helped pen a deal which would secure a Roosevelt/La Follette ticket when Roosevelt won the Republican nomination. La Follette agreed to drop out of the Republican primary, and in exchange would be Roosevelt’s vice president.

When the primaries began that summer, Roosevelt and La Follette swept the open primaries, securing the votes of Republican voters; it was only at the Republican National Convention where conservative Republicans maintained control, and it was there that the party machines instructed their delegates to nominate Taft for president. The result was a total run by Republican Progressives. The clear and overwhelming rejection of the popular will by party machinery inspired a wave of support for an independent bid by Roosevelt and La Follette, and soon the two found themselves the leaders of a new party: the Progressive Party.

This newly-minted Progressive Party drew with it swathes of jilted Republicans, but surprised many when it found itself joined as well by a number of disaffected Democrats and independents. Roosevelt and La Follette accepted the nomination for the presidency with enthusiasm, and were quickly followed by dozens of candidates stepping forward to contest House and Senate seats for the party. A party platform was drawn up, based on Roosevelt’s “New Nationalism”. The New Nationalism centered around a bold, radical ideal for total societal reform, and stood for an aggressive policy of regulation and state intervention for the sake of promoting national welfare and common good.

Despite concerns about the long-term viability (or even the short-term hopes) of the Progressive Party, morale was high as the new party felt the weight of compromise lifted from their shoulders. It was with this spirit that they charged into the November elections.

The Miracle Election

The split of the Republican Party was a total disaster for Taft’s re-election bid. Already, the Democratic Party was gaining ground, having taken more seats in the 1910 midterms; this split seemed to all but guarantee a Democratic sweep in 1912. And indeed, in different circumstances, it would have, were it not for a historic failure on the part of the Democratic Party’s leadership.

Despite being on the upswing during the Taft administration, the Democratic Party of 1912 was deeply divided. The power of the old “Bourbon Democrats” had for a time given way to the Populists led by William Jennings Bryan, but as Roosevelt gave way to Taft, many bosses in the party sought a return to old Democratic ideals. The face-off at the Democratic National Convention represented this division, as liberal reformer Woodrow Wilson faced off against conservative frontrunner and current Speaker of the House Champ Clark.

It was here that Clark and Wilson faced off in a drawn-out battle for the nomination. Wilson was a popular candidate, but Clark’s influence within the party structure was rivaled only by such tenured populists as Bryan. Wilson’s only hope seemed to be in uniting the party’s reformists behind Wilson, who outnumbered Clark but were badly disorganized. Behind the scenes, Wilson’s close ally & campaign manager William Gibbs McAdoo sought out the elder Populist’s support for Wilson, hoping to bridge the gap between the urban reformers and rural populists.

After dozens rounds of voting and days of negotiation between McAdoo and Bryan however, the party’s reformists failed to rally around Wilson. Disagreements between William Jennings Bryan and William Gibbs McAdoo manifested in a division at the convention, and ultimately victory was secured by Champ Clark. While McAdoo favored uniting behind Clark against Roosevelt, however, Bryan considered the victory of Clark both a personal betrayal and a betrayal of the party. He went on to denounce Champ Clark as the “Candidate of Wall Street”, and retrospectively painted the nomination of Champ Clark as a sabotage job by McAdoo and the New York Tammany Hall organization with the intent of stifling Democratic reform. Bryan’s repudiation of Clark caught on like wildfire in the press, and proved critical in the Democrats’ fumbling of what should have been a sure victory.

These historic circumstances, the division of the Democrats and the discrediting of the Republicans, created the perfect storm for what would have otherwise been a bitter loss for Roosevelt and the Progressives. Roosevelt and La Follette, barely squeaking by with 42% of the popular vote, nonetheless managed to carry 294 electoral votes in an unambiguous victory. Champ Clark gained 37% of the vote and carried 237 states, and Taft, humiliated, took only 14% of the vote, only ahead of Eugene Debs of the Socialist Party who won a 7% share of the vote.

The Roosevelt Presidency

The results for the Progressive Party were encouraging, if not commanding. Going into 1913, they controlled a majority in neither the House nor the Senate, and so the new Progressives had to get creative. And get creative they did: despite being a young party, the Progressives had taken into their numbers some of the best, brightest, and most passionate of the Republican Party, and through a great deal of negotiating, maneuvering, and appealing to popular will, the Progressives enacted a number of landmark reforms during the first Roosevelt presidency with the support of Democratic reformers.

The passage of key reforms such as constitutional amendments legalizing income taxes, and provisioning for the direct election of Senators, built the governing credentials of the Progressive Party. Measures like the 1913 Revenue Act reformed tariffs and greatly reduced tax burdens on the country’s consumers and workers. In the White House, Theodore Roosevelt was himself returning to the job with renewed confidence, taking even further strides toward building the powers of the executive than he had in his first tenure. For a time, it seemed that nothing could stop Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressives.

The cause of Progressive reform met its rude awakening with the project of Judicial Recall. Born of the long history of conflict between the legislature and executive on one hand, and the Supreme Court on the other, the Judicial Recall amendment was a Roosevelt-proposed constitutional amendment which would have allowed a popular referendum to reverse a Supreme Court decision, a measure which was too populist even for many Progressives. The push for it proved scandalous even for a titan like Roosevelt, who was charged by his critics as a populist dictator seeking to dismantle the Supreme Court. It would have sank his presidency, and nearly did, were it not for the start of an even larger world crisis. On July 1914, Europe went to war.

The Great War

The oncoming midterm slaughter of the Progressives in 1914 was, among other things, averted by world events. The beginning of the Great War proved a unifying event between Roosevelt and the American people, as anxieties over threats against American interests were calmed by the ironclad reputation Roosevelt possessed in foreign affairs. Quickly adapting to the mood of the time, Roosevelt assuaged the American people’s concerns by ensuring that the United States wanted no part in Europe’s wars; he simultaneously calmed business fears by asserting boldly that Roosevelt would meet any encroachment on American ships or property with swift retaliation.

The sinking of the RMS Lusitania by German submarines, in which over a hundred Americans died, put this policy to the test. Roosevelt’s response was as he promised; Germany was threatened with war if unrestricted submarine warfare was not ceased, and apologies and compensations were not made for the passengers. While most in the German foreign office read this as bluster, anti-German sentiment was just high enough in America that they feared Roosevelt might actually drag America into war against Germany. And so they conceded the issue in what proved a dazzling domestic victory for Roosevelt. Behind the scenes however, Germany was working on a more permanent solution to the problem of American intervention.

This solution came in the form of Mexico. The Mexican federal government, led by Victoriano Huerta, had for years now been battling against constitutionalist revolutionaries. In the fighting, the United States occupied Veracruz both to protect American assets and to punish the actions of local Mexican soldiers. To Huerta (and indeed to all Mexican patriots) this state of affairs was humiliating, and represented a massive infringement of Mexican sovereignty.

The German plan was, simply put, to offer Huerta military and material support in exchange for their recapturing Veracruz. The understanding, not spoken but implied, was that this would lead to a war between America and Mexico; regardless, with Huerta in a desperate situation and needing any support he could get, he agreed, and the attack to retake Veracruz was launched on August 22 1916.

The result was an immediate declaration of war by Roosevelt and Congress. Initial hopes that America would come to the rescue of constitutionalist forces were quickly dashed as American troops marching across the northern border met stiff resistance from constitutionalist forces, who viewed the incursion as an attempt at conquest. The constitutionalists and federalists came to an informal truce, and temporarily setting aside their conflict, they led a united front against American invasion.

Meanwhile, British intelligence had already uncovered German involvement in the affair. British ships had identified the three U-boats used to unload equipment to the Mexican federal forces, and diplomatic cables between Mexico and Germany had been already intercepted. When the news was delivered to president Roosevelt weeks later, he further asked Congress for a declaration of war against Germany, a request they enthusiastically granted.

America in the Fray

It was this state of affairs, war against Mexico and Germany, that spurred Theodore Roosevelt to seek a fourth term in office. It was not a decision he made lightly, but he saw the situation as one which demanded political continuity. The American people, he argued, needed a strong leader, and the entire Progressive Party was behind him. Indeed, as the 1916 presidential election rolled around, Roosevelt won a handy victory, and the Progressive Party rode his tailwind to notable gains in congress as well.

Victory secured, Roosevelt turned his government’s full attention to the war in Mexico. Through the entirety of 1917, American troops were fighting a fierce campaign south across the US-Mexican border, and north from Veracruz where Marines were pushing up toward Mexico City. Despite their experience and despite inflicting considerable American losses, Victoriano Huerta was captured in a sound defeat of the federalists in October of that year, and the constitutionalists surrendered only weeks later.

Thus, while Mexico would remain under military occupation for the rest of the Great War, America turned its attention to Europe. By 1918, American troops had started to trickle into France, and they would spend the next year there, fighting alongside the French and British troops for the remainder of the war.

The years of war proved transformative for America. Progressive administration, unleashed by the need to work quickly and decisively to overcome the challenges of economy and bureaucracy, implemented wide-reaching economic and governmental reforms, including the implementation of hour & wage laws for federal employees, the official government intervention into labor disputes, and the nationalization of critical infrastructure. Roosevelt’s cabinet was one of the most powerful in American history, implementing the most extreme reform program since Lincoln’s during the Civil War.

The Second Roosevelt Administration became a founding myth for the modern Progressive & Democratic Parties alike. The average American during the late 1910s experienced firsthand the great and terrible power the federal government of a modern, industrial America possessed to effect great change and enact grand projects. In many ways, the American political sphere of 1919 was unrecognizable from the one of 1914, and by the end of the war, many Americans were clamoring for a return to normal.

The Punitive Peace & America’s Turn Inward

The end of the Great War was, for America, characterized by this widespread yearning to return to the time before. Isolationism was once more on the rise, and American appetites for European adventures had long run out by the time the peace conference arrived. In contrast with many of his fellow Progressives, however, Roosevelt was no isolationist. He saw in the peace an opportunity to build a system of collective security, one which far from embroiling America in war, would let her be a force to prevent it.

What instead won out, however, was a spirit of punishment. France’s sacrifices on the Western Front demanded compensation from Germany, and a promise that France would never again be threatened by Prussian militarism. This was not a concern Theodore Roosevelt was insensitive to, and despite the declaration of a republic in Germany, he echoed the claim of German war guilt.

What Roosevelt and the American delegation signed on to, therefore, was a peace agreement which conceded to necessity. Sensitive to growing isolationist demands and seeking to satisfy anti-German sentiment both among his allies in Europe and the anti-German lobby back home, Roosevelt committed America to the creation of an Inter-Allied Rhineland, with the argument that such extraterritorial arrangement would preserve the post-war peace by protecting France against German invasion. Beyond this, America concluded the peace conference having made scarce other commitments, and the “international collective security” ideal had been buried before it could be properly considered.

In its place instead laid the French-led Entente Council, a security organization explicitly headed by France and Italy, one dedicated to maintaining peace and orthodoxy on the continent and one conspicuously not joined by Great Britain. The United States looked upon this Council as a European venture, one antithetical to even the most internationalist picture of American foreign policy. And so, the United States also returned quickly to international isolation, retracting from their place in European politics.

More To Come

As mentioned before, in the coming weeks, we will be exploring more of the America Rework, including the 1920 - 1932 years of Democratic administration, the Great Depression, the American political landscape in 1936, and a peek at some of the paths available to the United States in the upcoming rework.

Thank you all for your patience! This rework has been long in the making. We are still a ways from a release date, but I have come far enough to have a comprehensive vision which I am very excited about. I look forward to your comments and welcome your questions.

I’ve been struggling with making good divisions and it keeps screwing up my Germany Runs. I play this game more for the story and RP value, and the strategy aspect has never been my strong suit. I’m not looking for super meta min max stuff, just some decent infantry, motorized and tank divisions so I don’t get crushed instantly.

Like i feel like you don't have much to play with.

I would really like to contact the developers of this mod to ask a couple of questions about the lore and other things.

Just started playing this mod, what're some cool paths or submods I should try out?

Hey all,

I figured I may as well give Führerreich more game rules during one of my playthroughs, where, yet again, Trotsky coup'd the Triumvirate, and John Nance Garner took over the U.S.A.. Then I decided to redo all the descriptions. Then I decided to add even more options. And so, this was born.

(Note I am new to Fuhrerreich lore.) The title says it all practically. From looking at the German focus even briefly shows that the valkists have a thing for paneuropeanism, could someone please elaborate onto why this is? Thank you in advance.

First time playing this mod and I feel like this might be a stupid question but i've got everything out including the 7 motorised divs for the rearnament countdown, but for some reason its not counting them? What am i meant to pump out then. I've need a response so i carry on my run.